/ 75? DAVIS 



** * 



/ 




00020507342 



V* 




Class 

Book. 

Copyright N° 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT. 




DRUM MAJOR, PUBLIC SCHOOL, NEW YORK CITY. 



YODJIG ApltfGA'S PfOJfllt 



THE CHILD'S GUIDE TO 
PATRIOTISM 



ARRANGED BY 

JOHN W. DAVIS 

Principal, Public School, No. 8 t Bronx, New York City 
Author of "Four New York Boys" 



EDUCATIONAL PUBLISHING COMPANY 

BOSTON 

New York Chicago San Francisco 



TKnSf 



f 



[LIBRARY of CONGRESS 
Two CoDies Received 

MAR 7 1906 



1 



Cqpyri 




COP' 



*^e, No. 



A? 



Copyrighted 

By EDUCATIONAL PUBLISHING COMPANY 

1906 



FOREWORD. 



The publishers here present an arrangement of 
National Songs, patriotic excerpts, and some state 
papers that every American boy and girl should 
become acquainted with before leaving the elemen- 
tary school. 

Selections should be made by the teacher from 
the pages following for pupils to memorize. A 
word here to the teacher : Three minutes devoted 
daily to hearing this memory work will work won- 
ders in a year. 

The text has been carefully compared with 
original editions and is accurate and authentic. 
The full text of each of the patriotic songs is 
given. 

Educational Publishing Company. 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 



OUR NATIONAL ANTHEM : 
THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER. 

O say, can you see, by the dawn's early light, 
What so proudly we hail'd at the twilight's last 
gleaming — 
Whose broad stripes and bright stars, thro' the 
clouds of the fight 
O'er the ramparts we watched were so gallantly 
streaming ! 
And the rocket's red glare, the bombs bursting in 

air, 
Gave proof through the night that our flag was 

still there ; 
O say, does that star-spangled banner yet wave 
O'er the land of the free, and the home of the 
brave ? 

On that shore, dimly seen, through the mists of the 
deep, 
Where the foe's haughty host in dread silence 
reposes, 
What is that which the breeze, o'er the towering 
steep, 
As it fitfully blows, now conceals, now discloses? 
Now it catches the gleam of the morning's first 
beam, 

7 



8 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

In full glory reflected, now shines on the stream ; 
Tis the star-spangled banner ! O, long may it wave 
O'er the land of the free, and the home of the 
brave ! 

And where is the band who so vauntingly swore 

That the havoc of war and the battle's confusion 
A home and a country should leave us no more ? 
Their blood has washed out their foul footsteps' 
pollution. 
No refuge could save the hireling and slave 
From the terror of flight or the gloom of the grave ; 
And the star-spangled banner in triumph doth 

wave 
O'er the land of the free, and the home of the 
brave. 

O ! thus be it ever, when freemen shall stand 
Between their loved home and the war's deso- 
lation ! 
Blest with vict'ry and peace, may the heav'n- 
rescued land 
Praise the power that hath made and preserved 
us a nation. 
Then conquer we must, when our cause it is just, 
And this be our motto, ^ In God is our trust: " 
And the star-spangled banner in triumph shall 
wave 

O'er the land of the free, and the home of the 
brave . 

—Francis Scott Key. 1779-1843. 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

II AIL, COLUMBIA! 

Hail, Columbia ! happy land ! 
Hail, ye heroes, heaven-born band ! 
Who fought and bled in Freedom's cause, 
Who fought and bled in Freedom's cause, 
And when the storm of war was gone, 
Enjoy'd the peace your valor won. 
Let independence be your boast, 
Ever mindful what it cost ; 
Ever grateful for the prize. 
Let its altar reach the skies. 

Chorus 
Firm, united, let us be, 
Rallying round our Liberty ; 
As a band of brothers joined. 
Peace and safety we shall find. 

Immortal patriots ! rise once more : 
Defend your rights, defend } T our shore ; 
Let no rude foe, with impious hand, 
Let no rude foe, with impious hand. 
Invade the shrine where sacred lies 
Of toil and blood the well-earned prize. 
While ofT'ring peace, sincere and just. 
In Heav'n we place a manly trust 
That truth and justice will prevail, 
And every scheme of bondage fail. 

Chorus 
Firm, united, let us be, etc. 



10 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

Sound, sound the trump of fame ! 

Let WASHINGTON'S great name 

Ring through the world with loud applause, 

Ring through the world with loud applause ; 

Let every clime to Freedom clear 

Listen with a joyful ear. 

With equal skill, and godlike pow'r, 

He governs in the fearful hour 

Of horrid war; or guides, with ease, 

The happier times of honest peace. 

Chorus 
Firm, united, let us be, etc. 

Behold the chief who now commands, 
Once more to serve his country stands — 
The rock on which the storm will beat, 
The rock on which the storm will beat ; 
But armed in virtue firm and true, 
His hopes are fixed on Heaven and you. 
When hope was sinking in dismay, 
And glooms obscured Columbia's day, 
His steady mind, from changes free, 
Resolved on death or Liberty. 

Chorus 
Firm, united, let us be, etc. 

— Joseph Hopkinson . 1770-1842. 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 11 

COLUMBIA, THE GEM OF THE OCEAN. 

O Columbia) the gem of the ocean, 

The home of the brave and the free, 
The shrine of each patriot's devotion, 

A world offers homage to thee ! 
Thy mandates make heroes assemble, 

When Liberty's form stands in view ; 
Thy banners make tyranny tremble, 

When borne by the reel, white and blue. 

Chorus 
When borne by the red, white and blue, 
When borne by the red, white and blue, 
Thy banners make tyranny tremble, 
When borne by the red, white and blue. 

When war wing'd its wide desolation 

And threatened the land to deform, 
The ark then of Freedom's foundation, 

Columbia, rode safe thro' the storm ; 
With the garlands of vict'ry around her, 

When so proudly she bore her brave crew, 
With her flag floating proudly before her, 

The boast of the red, white and blue. 

Chorus 

The boast of the red, white and blue, 
The boast of the red, white and blue, 
With her flag floating proudly before her, 
The boast of the red, white and blue ! 



12 TOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

The star-spangled banner bring hither, 

O'er Columbia's true sons let it wave ; 
May the wreaths they have won never wither, 

Nor its stars cease to shine on the brave. 
May the service united ne'er sever, 

But hold to their colors so true ; 
The army and navy forever ! 

Three cheers for the red, white and blue ! 

Chorus 
Three cheers for the red, white and blue ! 
Three cheers for the red, white and blue, 
The army and navy forever ! 
Three cheers for the red, white and blue ! 

— David F. Shaw. 

BATTLE HYMN OF THE REPUBLIC. 

Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of 

the Lord ; 
He is trampling out the vintage where the grapes 

of wrath are stored ; 
He hath loosed the fateful lightning of His terrible 

swift sword. 

His truth is marching on. 

Glory, glory, hallelujah ! Glory, glory, hallelujah ! 
Glory, glory, hallelujah ! His truth is marching on. 

I have seen Him in the watch-fires of a hundred 
circling camps ; 



YOUNG AMERICAS MANUAL 15 

They have builded Him an altar in the evening 

clews and damps ; 
I can read His righteous sentence by the dim and 
flaring lamps. 

His day is marching on. 

Chorus 

I have read a fiery gospel, writ in burnished rows 

of steel : 
fc% As ye deal with my contemners, so with you my 

grace shall deal ; 
Let the Hero, born of woman, crush the serpent 
with his heel, 

Since God is marching on." 

Chorus 

He has sounded forth the trumpet that shall never 

call retreat ; 
He is sifting out the hearts of men before His 

judgment seat ; 

O ! be swift, my soul, to answer Him, be jubilant, 
my feet ! 

Our God is marching on. 

Chorus 

In the beauty of the lilies Christ was born across 

the sea, 
With a glory in His bosom that transfigures you 

and me ; 
As he died to make men holy, let us die to make 
men free, 

While God is marching on. 

Chorus 
—Julia Ward Howe. isi % q_ 



U YOUNG- AMERICA'S MANUAL 

HOME. SWEET HOME. 

Mid pleasures and palaces though we may roam. 
Be it ever so humble, there's no place like home ; 
A charm from the :?ky ?eems to hallow us there. 
Which, seek through the world, is ne'er met with 
elsewhere. 

Home. Home, sweet. >weet Home ! 
There's no place like Home ! there's no place like 
Home ! 

An exile from home, splendor dazzles in vain ; 

Lve me my lowly thatched cottage again ! 
The birds ringing gayly. that came at my call — 
Give me them — and the peace of mind, dearer 

than all ! 

Home ! Home ! sweet, sweet Home ! 
There's no place like Home ! there's no place like 
Home ! 

How sweet 'tis to sit meath a fond father's smile. 
And the cares of a mother to soothe and beguile ! 
Let others delight 'mid new pleasures to roam. 
But give me. oh. give me. the pleasures of home ! 

Home ! Home ! sweet, sweet Home ! 

There's no place like Home ! there's no place like 
Home ! 

To thee I'll return, overburdened with care : 
The heart's dearest solace will smile on me there : 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 1 ;, 

No more from thai cottage again will I roam; 
Be ii ever bo humble, there's do place like home ! 

Homo! Home! sweet, sweet Home! 
There's no place like Home ! there's no place Like 
Home ! 

— John Howard Payne. 1792-1852. 

AMERICA. 

My country ! 'tis of thee. 
Sweet land of liberty, 

Of Thee I sing ; 
Land where my fathers died ! 
Land of the Pilgrims' pride ! 
From ev'ry mountain side 

Let freedom ring ! 

My native country thee. 
Land of the noble free, 

Thy name I love ; 
I love thy rocks and rills, 
Thy woods and templed hills ; 
My heart with rapture thrills 

Like that above. 

Let music swell the breeze, 
And ring from all the trees 
Sweet freedom's song : 
Let mortal tongues awake ; 



16 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

Let all that breathe partake ; 

Let rocks their silence break, 

The sound prolong. 

Our father's God ! to Thee, 
Author of Liberty, 

To Thee we sing : 
Long may our land be bright 
With freedom's holy light ; 
Protect us by Thy might, 

Great God, our King ! 
—S. F. Smith. 1808-1895. 

OUR FLAG. 

Our flag is the symbol of our nation. Red for 
valor, white for purity, blue for justice, is what it 
says to us and for us. It should always be treated 
with reverence. Whenever it passes us we should 
pay it a proper tribute of respect. 

In the United States army the following cere- 
monies are prescribed in connection with the flag : 

' ' At every military post or station the flag will 
be hoisted at the sounding of the first note of the 
reveille, or of the first note of the march, if a 
march be played before the reveille. The flag 
will be lowered at the sounding of the last note of 
the retreat, and while the flag is being lowered the 
band will play " The Star Spangled Banner." 

" The ceremony of 'Escort of the Colors' is 



TOUNG AMERICAN MANUAL 17 

so conducted as to render it one of the most im- 
pressive to the soldier, especially to the young 
recruit, of all the functions in which he is required 
to participate. Proper salutes will be observed 
by all persons in the military service, not under 
arms, during the raising and lowering of the 
national emblem. 

11 On Memorial Day, May 30, at all army posts 
and stations, the national flag will be displayed at 
half staff from sunrise till midday, and immedi- 
ately before noon the band, or field music, will 
play some appropriate air, and the national salute 
of twenty-one guns will be fired at 12 m. at all 
posts and stations provided with artillery. At the 
conclusion of this memorial tribute, at noon, the 
flag will be hoisted to the top of the staff, and will 
remain there until sunset. When hoisted to the 
top of the staff the flag will be saluted by playing 
one or more of the national airs. In this way 
fitting testimonial of respect for the heroic dead 
and honor to their patriotic devotion will be appro- 
priately rendered.'' 

The Navy Department, under the heading, 
k - Honors and Distinctions," provides as follows : 

1 ' The following ceremonies shall be observed at 
'colors' on board ships in commission and at naval 
stations. The field music and band, if there be 
one, shall be present. At morning 'colors' the 
music shall ghre three rolls and three flourishes. 



18 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

At the third roll the ensign shall be started from 
the deck and hoisted slowly to the peak or truck, 
during which the band shall play 'The Star Span- 
gled Banner.' When the ensign leaves the deck 
or rail all sentries shall salute and remain at a 
salute until the band ceases to play the national 
air ; all officers and men present shall stand facing 
the ensign and shall salute when it reaches the 
peak or truck. 

1 c The same ceremony shall be observed at sun- 
set 'colors' except that the music shall give three 
rolls and three nourishes before the ensign leaves 
the peak or truck ; the band shall play ' Hail 
Columbia' while the ensign is being hauled down, 
and all officers and men shall salute when the en- 
sign touches the deck." 

The naval regulations also prescribe the follow- 
ing : 

' ' All officers and men shall stand at attention 
whenever ' The Star Spangled Banner' is being 
played, unless engaged in duty that will not per- 
mit them to do so. The same respect shall be 
observed toward the national air of any other 
country, when played in the presence of official 
representatives of such country." 

One flag, one land, one heart, one hand, 
One nation evermore. 

— Oliver Wendell Holmes. 




'HATS OFF! THE FLAG IS PASSING BY." 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 19 

THE FLAG GOES BY.* 

Hats off ! 
Along the street there comes 
A blare of bogles, a ruffle of drums, 
A flash of color beneath the sky : 
Hats off ! 
The flag is passing by ! 

Blue and crimson and white it shines, 
Over the steel-tipped, ordered lines. 
Hats off! 
The colors before us fly ; 
But more than the flag is passing by. 

Sea-fights and land-fights, grim and great, 
Fought to make and save the state : 
^Yeary marches and sinking ships ; 
Cheers of victory on dying lips ; 

Days of plenty and days of peace ; 
March of a strong land's swift increase ; 
Equal justice, right, and law, 
Stately honor and reverend awe ; 

Sign of a nation, great and strong, 
To ward her people from foreign wrong : 
Pride and glory and honor — all 
Live in the colors to stand or fall. 

1 Reprinted by permission of Youth's Companion. 



20 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

Hats off ! 
Along the street there comes 
A blare of bugles, a ruffle of drums ; 
And loyal hearts are beating high : 
Hats off ! 
The flag is passing by ! 

— Henry Holcomb Bennett. 

Our flag carries American ideas, American his- 
tory, and American feelings. Beginning with the 
colonies, and coming down to our time, in its 
sacred heraldry, in its glorious insignia, it has 
gathered and stored chiefly this supreme idea — 
divine right of liberty in man. 

— Henry Ward Beecher. 

And for your country, boy, and for that flag, 
never dream but of serving her as she bids you. 
No matter what happens to you, no matter who 
flatters or abuses you, never look at another flag, 
never let a night pass but you pray God to bless 
that flag. Remember, that behind all these men 
you have to do with, behind officers, and govern- 
ment, and people even, there is the Country Her- 
self, your Country, and that you belong to Her as 
you belong to your own mother. Stand by her as 
you would stand by your own mother. 

— Edward Everett Hale.* 

♦From "The Man Without a Country." Reprinted by permission 
of Little, Brown & Co.. Boston. 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 21 

When my eyes shall be turned to behold for the 
last time the sun in heaven, may 1 not see him 
shining on the broken and dishonored fragments 
of a once glorious Union ; on States dissevered, 
discordant, belligerent ; on a land rent with civil 
feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood ! 
Let their last feeble and lingering glance rather 
behold the gorgeous ensign of the Republic, now 
known and honored throughout the earth, still full 
high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in 
their original lustre, not a stripe erased or pol- 
luted, not a single star obscured, bearing for its 
motto, no such miserable interrogatory as "What 
is all this worth?" nor those other words of delu- 
sion and folly, - c Liberty first and Union after- 
wards" ; but everywhere, spread all over in char- 
acters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, 
as they float over the sea and over the land, 
and in every wind under the whole heavens, that 
other sentiment, clear to every true American 
heart — Liberty and Union, now and forever, 
one and inseparable. 

— Daniel Webster. 

Stand by the flag ! On land and ocean billow, 
By it our fathers stood, unmoved and true ; 

Living, defended ; dying, for their pillow, 
With their last blessing, passed it on to you. 

— Albert Z>. Shaw. 



22 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

THE AMERICAN FLAG. 

When freedom from her mountain height 

Unfurled her standard to the air, 
She tore the azure robe of night, 

And set the stars of glory there. 
She mingled with its gorgeous dyes 
The milky baldric of the skies, 
And striped its pure celestial white 
With streakings of the morning light : 
Then from his mansion in the sun 
She called her eagle bearer down, 
And gave into his mighty hand 
The symbol of her chosen land. 

Majestic monarch of the cloud, 

Who rear'st aloft thy regal form; 
To hear the tempest trumpings loud 
And see the lightning lances driven. 

When strive the warriors of the storm, 
And rolls the thunder-drum of heaven, 
Child of the sun ! to thee is given 

To guard the banner of the free, 
To hover in the sulphur smoke, 
To ward away the battle stroke, 
And bid its blendings shine afar, 
Like rainbows on the cloud of war. 

The harbingers of victory ! 

Flag of the brave ! thy folds shall fly, 
The sign of hope and triumph high, 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 23 

When speaks the signal trumpet tone, 
And the long line comes gleaming on. 

Ere yet the life-blood, warm and wet, 
Has dimmed the glistening bayonet. 
Each soldier eye shall brightly turn 
To where thy sky-born glories burn, 
And, as his springing steps advance, 
Catch war and vengeance from the glance. 
And when the eannon-mouthings loud 
Heave in wild wreaths the battle shroud, 
And gory sabres rise and fall 
Like shoots of flame on midnight's pall, 
Then shall the meteor glances glow, 

And cowering foes shall shrink beneath 
Each gallant arm that strikes below 

That lovely messenger of death. 

Flag of the seas ! on ocean wave 
Thy stars shall glitter o'er the brave ; 
When death careering on the gale, 
Sweeps darkly round the bellied sail, 
And frighted waves rush wildly back 
Before the broadside's reeling rack, 
Each dying wanderer of the sea 
Shall look at once to heaven and thee, 
And smile to see thy splendors fly 
In triumph o'er his closing eye. 

Flag of the free heart's hope and home ! 
By angel hands to valor given ; 



24 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

Thy stars have lit the welkin dome, 
And all thy hues were born in heaven. 

Forever float that standard sheet ! 

Where breathes the foe but falls before us, 

With Freedom's soil beneath our feet, 

And Freedom's banner streaming o'er us. 
— Joseph Rodman Drake. 



Bear that banner proudly up, young warriors of 

the land, 
With hearts of love, and arms of faith and more 

than iron hand. 

— Thomas Williams. 



The silken folds that twine about us here, for 
all their soft and careless grace, are yet as strong 
as hooks of steel. They hold together a united 
people and a great nation. The South says to the 
North as simply and as truly as was said three 
thousand years ago in that far away meadow by 
the side of the mystic sea : u Thy people shall be 
my people and thy God, my God." 

- — Henry Waiter son. 







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YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 25 

THE BIVOUAC OF THE DEAD. 

The muffled drum's sad roll haa beat 

The soldier's last tattoo; 
No more on Life's parade shall meet 

That brave and fallen few ; 
On Fame's eternal camping-ground 

Their silent tents are spread. 
And Glory guards, with solemn round, 

The bivouac of the dead. 

No rumor of the foe's advance 

Now swells upon the wind ; 
No troubled thought at midnight haunts 

Of loved ones left behind ; 
No vision of the morrow's strife 

The warrior's dream alarms. 
No braying horn nor screaming fife 

At dawn shall call to arms. 

The neighing troop, the flashing blade, 

The bugle's stirring blast, 
The charge, the dreadful cannonade, 

The din and shout are past ; 
Nor war's wild note nor glory's peal 

Shall thrill with fierce delight 
Those breasts that nevermore may feel 

The rapture of the fight. 



26 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

Rest on, embalmed and sainted dead ! 

Dear as the blood ye gave ; 
No impious footstep here shall tread 

The herbage of your grave ; 
Nor shall your glory be forgot 

While Fame her record keeps, 
Or Honor points the hallowed spot 

Where Valor proudly sleeps. 

Yon marble minstrel's voiceless stone 

In deathless song shall tell, 
When many a vanished age hath flown, 

The story how ye fell ; 
Nor wreck, nor change, nor winter's blight, 

Nor Time's remorseless doom, 
►Shall dim one ray of glory's light 

That gilds your deathless tomb. 

— Theodore O'Hara. 

The poem from whicli these stanzas are taken 
was written in 1847 to commemorate the Ken- 
tuckians who fell under Mexican fire at the battle 
of Buena Vista in February of that year. The 
Government has had the two quatrains in each 
verse here given cast in bronze and has placed 
them in large numbers in the National Cemeteries 
— a tribute to the defenders of the flag who there 
await the last trump — a national requiem. 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 27 



THE CONCORD HYMN. 

By the rude bridge that arched the flood, 
Their flag to April's breeze unfurled, 

Here onee the embattled farmers stood, 
And fired a shot heard round the world. 

The foe long since in silence slept ; 

Alike the conqueror silent sleeps ; 
And time the ruined bridge has swept 

Down the dark stream which seaward creeps. 

On the green bank, by this soft stream, 

We set to-day a votive stone ; 
That memory may their dead redeem, 

When like our sires, our sons are gone. 

Spirit, that made those heroes dare 
To die, and leave their children free, 

Bid Time and Nature gently spare 
The shaft we raise to them and thee. 

— Ralph Waldo Emerson. 



25 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 1732-1799. 

He was invested with glory that shed a lustre 
all around him. 

— Archbishop John Carroll. 

He is never better supplied than when he seems 
destitute of everything ; nor have his arms ever 
been so fatal to his enemies as at the very instant 
they thought they had crushed him forever. 

— Abbe Robin. 

First in war. first in peace, and first in the 
hearts of his countrymen. 

— Henry Lee. 

Oh, Washington ! thou hero, patriot, sage, 
Friend of all climes and pride of every age. 

— Thomas Paine. 

Washington is the mightiest name of earth. 

— Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington is to my mind the purest figure in 
history. 

— William E. Gladstone. 

It may be truly said that never before did 
nature and fortune combine more perfectly to 
make a man great. 

— Thomas Jefferson. 



TOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 29 

He was meat as he was good ; he was great 
because he was good. 

— Edward Everett. 

The name Washington is intimately blended 
with whatever belongs most essentially to the 
prosperity, the liberty, the free institutions and 
the renown of our country. 

— Daniel Webster. 

His integrity was the most pure, his justice the 
most inflexible I have ever known, no motive of 
interest, or consanguinity, or hatred being able to 
bias his dicision. He was, in every sense of the 
word, a wise, a good and a great man. 

— Thomas Jefferson. 

If Washington had one passion more strong 
than any other, it was love of country. 

— Jared Sparks. 

Just honor to Washington can only be rendered 
by observing his precepts and imitating his 
example. 

— Robert C. Winthrop. 

His precepts and examples' speak to us from the 
grave with a paternal appeal; and his name — by 
all revered — forms a universal tie of brotherhood 
— a watchword of our Union. 

— John Fiske. 



30 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

When the storm of battle blows darkest and 
rages highest, the memory of Washington shall 
nerve every American arm, and cheer every Ameri- 
can heart. 

— Rufus Choate. 

Six months before the close of Washington's 
second term as President he refused to be a candi- 
date for reelection. On September 17, 1796, he 
issued the following address which he had previ- 
ously submitted to Hamilton for revision : 

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES 

Friends and Fellow-Citizens : 

The period for a new election of a citizen to 
administer the executive government of the United 
States, being not far distant, and the time actually 
arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in 
designating the person, who is to be clothed with 
that important trust, it appears to me proper, 
especially as it may conduce to a more distinct 
expression of the public voice, that I should now 
apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to 
decline being considered among the number of 
those, out of whom a choice is to be made. 

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the jus- 
tice to be assured, that this resolution has not been 
taken without a strict regard to all the considera- 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 31 

tions appertaining to the relation, which binds a 
dutiful citizen to his country ; and that, in with- 
drawing the tender of service, which silence in my 
situation might imply, I am influenced by no 
diminution of zeal for your future interest ; no 
deficiency of grateful respect for your past kind- 
ness ; but am supported by a full conviction that 
the step is incompatible with both. 

The acceptance of, and the continuance hitherto 
in, the office to which your suffrages have twice 
called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclin- 
ation to the opinion of duty, and to a deference 
for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly 
hoped that it would have been much earlier in my 
power, consistently with motives, which I was not 
at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, 
from which I have been reluctantly drawn. The 
strength of my inclination to do this, previous to 
the last election, had even led to the preparation 
of an address to declare it to you ; but mature 
reflection on the then perplexed and critical pos- 
ture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the 
unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confi- 
dence, impelled me to abandon the idea. 

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, exter- 
nal as well as internal, no longer renders the pur- 
suit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment 
of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, what- 
ever partiality may be retained for my services 



32 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

that, in the present circumstances of our country, 
3'OU will not disapprove my determination to 
retire. 

The impressions, with which I first undertook 
the arduous trust, were explained on the proper 
occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will 
only say, that I have, with good intentions, con- 
tributed towards the organization and administra- 
tion of the government the best exertions of which 
a very fallible judgment was capable. Not un- 
conscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my 
qualifications, experience, in my own eyes, per- 
haps still more in the eyes of others, has strength- 
ened the motives to diffidence of myself ; and every 
day the increasing weight of years admonishes me 
more and more, that the shade of retirement is as 
necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, 
that if any circumstances have given peculiar 
value to my services, they were temporary, I have 
the consolation to believe, that, while choice and 
prudence invite me to quit the political scene, 
patriotism does not forbid it. 

In looking forward to the moment, which is 
intended to terminate the career of my public life, 
my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep 
acknowledgement of that debt of gratitude, which 
I owe to my beloved country for the many honors 
it has conferred upon me ; still more for the stead- 
fast confidence with which it has supported me ; 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 33 

and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of 
manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services 
faithful and persevering, though in usefulness 
unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to 
our country from these services, let it always be 
remembered to your praise, and as an instructive 
example in our annals, that under circumstances 
in which the passions, agitated in every direction, 
were liable to mislead, amidst appearances some- 
times dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often dis- 
couraging, in situations in which not unfrequently 
want of success has countenanced the spirit of 
criticism, the constancy of your support was the 
essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of 
the plans by which they were effected. Pro- 
foundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it 
with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to 
unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you 
the choicest tokens of its beneficence ; that your 
union and brotherly affection may be perpetual ; 
that the free constitution, which is the work of 
your hands, may be sacredly maintained ; that its 
administration in every department may be 
stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, 
the happiness of the people of these States, under 
the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by 
so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of 
this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of 
recommending it to the applause, the affection, 



34 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

and adoption of every nation, which is yet a 
stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solici- 
tude for your welfare, which cannot end but with 
rny life, and the apprehension of danger, natural 
to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like 
the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, 
and to recommend to your frequent review, some 
sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, 
of no inconsiderable observation, and which 
appear to me all-important to the permanency of 
your felicity as a people. These will be offered 
to you with the more freedom, as you can only see 
in them the disinterested warnings of a parting 
friend, who can possibly have no personal motive 
to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an 
encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of 
my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar 
occasion. 

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every 
ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of 
mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attach- 
ment. 

The unity of government, which constitutes 
you one people, is also now dear to you. It is 
justly so ; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of 
your real independence, the support of your tran- 
quillity at home, your peace abroad ; of your 
safety ; of your prosperity ; of that very liberty, 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 35 

which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to 
foresee, that, from different causes and from dif- 
ferent quarters, much pains will be taken, many 
artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the 
conviction of this truth ; as this is the point in 
your political fortress against which the bat- 
teries of internal and external enemies will be 
most constantly and actively (though often cov- 
ertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite 
moment, that you should properly estimate the 
immense value of your national Union to your 
collective and individual happiness ; that you 
should cherish a cordial, habitual, and im- 
movable attachment to it ; accustoming yourselves 
to think and speak of it as of the palladium of 
your political safety and prosperity : watching for 
its preservation with jealous anxiety ; discounte- 
nancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion, 
that it can in any event be abandoned ; and 
indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of 
every attempt to alienate any portion of our 
country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred 
ties which now link together the various parts. 

For this you have every inducement of sym- 
pathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, 
of a common country, that country has a right 
to concentrate your affections. The name of 
American, which belongs to you, in your national 
capacity, must always exalt the just pride of 



36 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

patriotism, more than any appellation derived 
from local discriminations. With slight shades of 
difference, you have the same religion, manners, 
habits, and political principles. You have in a 
common cause fought and triumphed together; 
the independence and liberty you possess are the 
work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of com- 
mon dangers, sufferings, and successes. 

But these considerations, however powerfully 
they address themselves to your sensibility, are 
greatly outweighed by those which apply more 
immediately to your interest. Here every portion 
of our country finds the most commanding motives 
for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of 
the whole. 

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse 
with the South, protected by the equal laws of a 
common government, finds, in the productions of 
the latter, great additional resources of maritime 
and commercial enterprise and precious materials 
of manufacturing industry. The South, in the 
same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the 
North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce 
expand. Turning partly into its own channels the 
seamen of the North, it finds its particular naviga- 
tion invigorated ; and while it contributes, in dif- 
ferent ways, to nourish and increase the general 
mass of the national navigation, it looks forward 
to the protection of a maritime strength, to which 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 37 

itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like 
intercourse with the West, already linds, and in 
the progressive improvement of interior communi- 
cations by land and water, will more and more 
find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it 
brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. 
The West derives from the East supplies requisite 
to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of 
still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe 
the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for 
its own productions to the weight, influence, and 
the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side 
of the Union, directed by an indissoluble com- 
munity of interest as one nation. Any other 
tenure by which the West can hold this essential 
advantage, whether derived from its own separate 
strength, or from an apostate and unnatural con- 
nection with any foreign power, must be intrinsi- 
cally precarious. 

While, then, every part of our country thus 
feels an immediate and particular interest in 
Union, all the parts combined in the united mass 
of means and efforts cannot fail to find greater 
strength, greater resource, proportionably greater 
security from external danger, a less frequent 
interruption of their peace by foreign nations ; 
and, what is of inestimable value, they must 
derive from Union an exemption from those broils 
and wars between themselves, which so frequently 



&8 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

afflict neighboring countries not tied together by 
the same governments, which their own rivalships 
alone would be sufficient to produce, but which 
opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and in- 
trigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, 
likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those 
overgrown military establishments, which, under 
any form of government, are inauspicious to 
liberty, and which are to be regarded as particu- 
larly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense 
it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a 
main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the 
one ought to endear to you the preservation of the 
other. 

These considerations speak a persuasive lan- 
guage to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and 
exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary 
object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, 
whether a common government can embrace so 
large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To 
listen to mere speculation in such a case were 
criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a 
proper organization of the whole, with the auxil- 
iary agency of governments for the respective 
subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the 
experiment. It is well w T orth a fair and full 
experiment. With such powerful and obvious 
motives to Union, affecting all parts of our coun- 
try, while experience shall not have demonstrated 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 39 

its impracticability, there will always be reason to 
distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter 
may endeavor to weaken its bands. 

In contemplating the causes which may disturb 
our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, 
that any ground should have been furnished for 
characterizing parties by geographical discrimina- 
tions, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and West- 
ern; whence designing men may endeavor to 
excite a belief, that there is a real difference 
of local interests and views. One of the expe- 
dients of party to acquire influence, within par- 
ticular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions 
and aims of other districts. You cannot shield 
yourselves too much against the jealousies and 
heart-burnings, which spring from these misrep- 
resentations; they tend to render alien to each 
other, those who ought to be bound together by 
fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our west- 
ern country have lately had a useful lesson on 
this head ; they have seen, in the negotiation by 
the executive, and in the unanimous ratification 
by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in 
the universal satisfaction at that event, through-, 
out the United States, a decisive proof how 
unfounded were the suspicions propagated among 
them of a policy in the general government and in 
the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in 
regard to the Mississippi; they have been wit- 



40 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

nesses to the formation of two treaties, that with 
Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure 
to them everything they could desire, in respect 
to our foreign relations, towards confirming their 
prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely 
for the preservation of these advantages on the 
Union by which they were procured ? Will they 
not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such 
there are, who would sever them from their breth- 
ren, and connect them with aliens? 

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, 
a government for the whole is indispensable. No 
alliances, however strict, between the parts can 
be an adequate substitute. They must inevitably 
experience the infractions and interruptions, which 
all alliances in all times have experienced. Sen- 
sible of this momentous truth, you have improved 
upon your first essay, by the adoption of a consti- 
tution of government better calculated than your 
former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious 
management of your common concerns This 
Government, the offspring of our own choice, 
uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full inves- 
tigation and mature deliberation, completely free 
in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, 
uniting security with energy, and containing 
within itself a provision for its own amendment, 
has a just claim to your confidence and your sup- 
port. Respect for its authority, compliance with 



rOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 41 

its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties 
enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true 
liberty. The basis of our political systems is the 
right of the people to make and to alter their con- 
stitutions of government. But the constitution 
which at any time exists, till changed by an 
explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is 
sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of 
the power and the right of the people to establish 
government presupposes the duty of every indi- 
vidual to obey the established government. 

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, 
all combinations and associations, under whatever 
plausible character, with the real design to direct, 
control, counteract, or awe the regular delibera- 
tion and action of the constituted authorities, are 
destructive of this fundamental principle, and of 
fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, 
to give it an artifical and extraordinary force ; to 
put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, 
the will of a party, often a small but artful and 
enterprising minority of the community ; and, 
according to the alternate triumphs of different 
parties, to make the public administration the 
mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous pro- 
jects of faction, rather than the organ of con- 
sistent and wholesome plans digested by common 
counsels, and modified by mutual interests. 

However combinations or associations of the 



42 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

above descriptions may now and then answer 
popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time 
and things, to become potent engines, by which 
cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be 
enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to 
usurp for themselves the reins of government; 
destroying afterwards the very engines which have 
lifted them to unjust dominion. 

Towards the preservation of your government, 
and the permanency of your present happy state, 
it is requisite, not only that you steadily discounte- 
nance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged 
authority, but also that you resist with care the 
spirit of innovation upon its principles, however 
specious the pretexts. One method of assault 
may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, 
alterations which will impair the energy of the 
system, and thus to undermine what cannot be 
directly overthrown. In all the changes to which 
you may be invited, remember that time and habit 
are at least as necessary to fix the true character 
of governments, as of other human institutions ; 
that experience is the surest standard by which to 
test the real tendency of the existing constitution 
of a country ; that facility in changes, upon the 
credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to 
perpetual change, from the endless variety of 
hypothesis and opinion ; and remember, especially, 
that, for the efficient management of your common 



YOUNG AMERICAS MANUAL 43 

interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a 
rnment of as much vigor as is consistent with 
the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. 
rty itself will find in such a government, 
with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its 
surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a 
name, where the government is too feeble to with- 
stand the enterprise of faction, to confine each 
member of the society within the limits pre- 
scribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the 
secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of 
person and property. 

I have already intimated to you the danger of 
parties in the state, with particular reference to 
the founding of them on geographical discrimina- 
tions. Let me now take a more comprehensive 
view, and warn you in the most solemn manner 
against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, 
generally. 

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from 
our nature, having its root in the strongest pas- 
sions of the human mind. It exists under dif- 
ferent shapes in all governments, more or less 
stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but, in those of 
the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rank- 
ness, and is truly their worst enemy. 

The alternate domination of one faction over 
another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, 
natural to party dissension, which in different ages 



44 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

and countries has perpetrated the most horrid 
enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this 
leads at length to a more formal and permanent 
despotism. The disorders and miseries, which 
result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek 
security and repose in the absolute power of an 
individual ; and sooner or later the chief of some 
prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate 
than his competitors, turns this disposition to the 
purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of 
public liberty. 

Without looking forward to an extremity of 
this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be 
entirely out of sight) , the common and continual 
mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to 
make it the interest and duty of a wise people to 
discourage and restrain it. 

It serves always to distract the public councils, 
and enfeeble the public administration. It agi- 
tates the community with ill-founded jealousies 
and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one 
part against another, foments occasionally riot and 
insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influ- 
ence and corruption, which find a facilitated access 
to the government itself through the channels of 
party passions. Thus the policy and the will of 
one country are subjected to the policy and will 
of another. 

There is an opinion that parties in free coun- 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 45 

tries are useful checks upon the administration of 
the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit 
of liberty. This within certain limits is probably 
true ; and in governments of a monarchical cast, 
patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with 
favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of 
the popular character, in governments purely elec- 
tive, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From 
their natural tendency, it is certain there will 
always be enough of that spirit for every salutary 
purpose, and there being constant danger of 
excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public 
opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to 
be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to 
prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of 
warming, it should consume. 

It is important, likewise, that the habits of 
thinking in a free country should inspire caution 
in those intrusted with its administration, to con- 
fine themselves within their respective constitu- 
tional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the 
powers of one department to encroach upon another. 
The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the 
powers of all the departments in one, and thus to 
create, whatever the form of government, a real 
despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, 
and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in 
the human heart, is sufUcient to satisfy us of the 
truth of this position. The necessity of recipro- 



46 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

cal checks in the exercise of political power, by 
dividing and distributing it into different deposi- 
tories, and constituting each the guardian of the 
public weal against invasions by the others, has 
been evinced by experiments ancient and modern ; 
some of them in our country and under our own 
eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as 
to institute them. If, in the opinion of the 
people, the distribution or modification of the con- 
stitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let 
it be corrected by an amendment in the way which 
the constitution designates. But let there be no 
change by usurpation ; for, though this, in one 
instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the 
customary weapon by which free governments are 
destroyed. The precedent must always greatly 
overbalance in permanent evil any partial or tran- 
sient benefit, which the use can at any time yield. 
Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to 
political prosperity, religion and morality are 
indispensable supports. In vain would that man 
claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor 
to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, 
these firmest props of the duties of men and citi- 
zens. The mere politician, equally with the pious 
man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A 
volume could not trace all their connections with 
private and public felicity. Let it simply be 
asked, Where is the security for property, for 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 47 

reputation, for life, if t lie sense of religious obli- 
the oaths, which are the instruments 
igations in courts of justice? And let us 
with caution indulge the supposition, that morality 
can be maintained without religion. Whatever 
may be conceded to the influence of refined edu- 
cation on minds of peculiar structure, reason and 
irience both forbid us to expect, that national 
morality can prevail in exclusion of religious prin- 
ciple. 

'Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality 
is a necessary spring of popular government 
The rule, indeed, extends with mere or less force 
very species of free government. Who, that 
sincere friend to it, can look with indifference 
upon attempts to shake the foundation of the 
fabric ? 

Promote, then, as an object of primary import- 
ance, institutions for the general diffusion of 
knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a 
government gives force to public opinion, it is 
rial that public opinion should be enlightened, 
a very important source of strength and 
security, cherish public credit. One method of 
preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible ; 
avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating 
peace, but remembering also that timely disburse- 
ments to prepare for danger frequently prevent 
much greater disbursements to repel it ; avoiding 



4S YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by 
shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous 
exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, 
which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not 
ungenerously, throwing upon posterity the burthen, 
which we ourselves ought to bear. The execu- 
tion of these maxims belongs to your representa- 
tives, but it is necessary that public opinion should 
cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance 
of their duty, it is essential that you should prac- 
tically bear in mind, that towards the payment of 
debts there must be revenue ; that to have revenue 
there must be taxes ; that no taxes can be devised, 
which are not more or less inconvenient and un- 
pleasant, that the intrinsic embarrassment, insep- 
arable from the selection of the proper objects 
(which is always a choice of difficulties), ought 
to be a decisive motive for a candid construction 
of the conduct of the government in making it, 
and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for 
obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies 
may at any time dictate. 

Observe good faith and justice toward all 
nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. 
Religion and morality enjoin this conduct ; and can 
it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? 
It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no 
distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind 
the magnanimous and too novel example of a 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 49 

people always guided by an exalted justice and 

benevolence. Who can doubt, that, in the course 
of time and things, the fruits of such a plan 
would richly repay any temporary advant, 
which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? 
Can it be, that Providence has not connected the 
permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? 
The experiment, at least, is recommended by 
every sentiment which ennobles human nature. 
Alas ! is it rendered impossible by its vices ? 

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is 
more essential, than that permanent, inveterate 
antipathies against particular nations, and pas- 
sionate attachments for others, should be ex- 
cluded ; and that, in place of them, just and 
amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. 
The nation, which indulges towards another an 
habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in 
some degree a slave. It is a slave to its ani- 
mosity or to its affection, either of which is suffi- 
cient to lead it astray from its duty and its 
interest. Antipathy in one nation against another 
disposes each more readily to offer insult and 
injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, 
and to be haughty and intractable, when acci- 
dental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. 
Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, 
and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by 
ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war 



50 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

the government, contrary to the best calculations 
of policy. The government sometimes partici- 
pates in the national propensity, and adopts 
through passion what reason would reject; 
at other times, it makes the animosity of the 
nation subservient to projects of hostility insti- 
gated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and 
pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes 
perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the 
victim. 

So likewise, a passionate attachment of one 
nation for another produces a variety of evils. 
Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the 
illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases 
where no real common interest exists, and infus- 
ing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the 
former into a participation in the quarrels and 
wars of the latter, without adequate inducement 
or justification. It leads also to concessions to 
the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, 
which is apt doubly to injure the nation making 
the concessions ; by unnecessarily parting with 
what ought to have been retained ; and by excit- 
ing jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retal- 
iate, in the parties from whom equal privileges 
are withheld ; and it gives to ambitious, cor- 
rupted, or deluded citizens (who devote them- 
selves to the favorite nation) , facility to betray ox- 
sacrifice the interests of their own country, with- 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 51 

out odium, sometimes even with popularity ; gild- 
ing, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of 
obligation, a commendable deference for public 
opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the 
base or foolish compliances of ambition, corrup- 
tion, or infatuation. 

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable 
ways, such attachments are particularly alarming 
to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. 
How many opportunities do they afford to tamper 
with domestic factions, to practice the ails of 
seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence 
or awe the public councils ! Such an attachment 
of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful 
nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the 
latter. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, 
I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens, the 
jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly 
awake ; since history and experience prove that 
foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes 
of republican government. But that jealousy, to 
be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the 
instrument of the very influence to be avoided, 
instead of a defence against it. Excessive par- 
tiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dis- 
like of another, cause those whom they actuate to 
see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and 
even second the arts of influence on the other. 



52 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the 
favorite, are liable to become suspected and 
odious ; while its tools and dupes usurp the 
applause and confidence of the people, to sur- 
render their interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to 
foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial 
relations, to have with them as little political con- 
nection as possible. So far as we have already 
formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with 
perfect good faith. Here let us stop. 

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to 
us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence 
she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the 
causes of which are essentially foreign to our con- 
cerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us 
to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the 
ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordi- 
nary combinations and collisions of her friendships 
or enmities. 

Our detached and distant situation invites and 
enables us to pursue a different course. If we 
remain one people, under an efficient government, 
the period is not far off, when we may defy mate- 
rial injury from eternal annoyance ; when we may 
take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, 
we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupu- 
lously respected ; when belligerent nations, under 
the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, 



rOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL f>3 

•rill not lightly hazard the giving ua provocation ; 
when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, 
guided by our justice, shall counsel. 

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a 
situation? Why quit our own to stand upon 
foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our des- 
tiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our 
peace and prosperity in the toils of European 
ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? 

Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent 
alliances with any portion of the foreign world ; 
so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; 
for let me not be understood as capable of 
patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. 
I hold the maxim no less applicable to public 
than to private affairs, that honesty is always the 
best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those 
engagements be observed in their genuine sense. 
But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would 
be unwise to extend them. 

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suit- 
able establishments, on a respectable defensive 
posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances 
for extraordinary emergencies. 

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, 
are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. 
But even our commercial policy should hold an 
equal and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor 
granting exclusive favors or preferences ; consult- 



54 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

ing the natural course of tilings ; diffusing and 
diversifying by gentle means the streams of com- 
merce, but forcing nothing ; establishing, with 
powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable 
course, to define the rights of our merchants, and 
to enable the government to support them, con- 
ventional rules of intercourse, the best that pre- 
sent circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, 
but temporary, and liable to be from time to time 
abandoned or varied, as experience and circum- 
stances shall dictate ; constantly keeping in view, 
that ? tis folly in one nation to look for disinter- 
ested favors from another ; that it must pay with 
a portion of its independence for whatever it may 
accept under that character ; that, b}^ such accept- 
ance, it may place itself in the condition of 
having given equivalents for nominal favors, and 
yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not 
giving more. There can be no greater error than 
to expect or calculate upon real favors from 
nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experi- 
ence must cure, which a just pride ought to dis- 
card. 

In offering to you, my countrymen, these coun- 
sels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not 
hope they will make the strong and lasting im- 
pression I could wish ; that they will control the 
usual current of the passions, or prevent our 
nation from running the course, which has hither- 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

to marked the destiny of nations. But, it' I may 
even flatter myself, that they may be productive 
<>f Borne partial benefit, some occasional good ; 
that they may now and then recur to moderate the 
fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs 
of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impos- 
tures of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a 
full recompense for the solicitude for your wel- 
fare, by which they have been dictated. 

How far, in the discharge of my official duties, 
I have been guided by the principles which have 
been delineated, the public records and other 
evidences of my conduct must witness to you and 
to the world. To myself, the assurance of my 
own conscience is, that I have at least believed 
myself to be guided by them. 

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, 
my Proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the 
index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving- 
voice, and by that of your representatives in both 
Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has 
continually governed me, uninfluenced by any 
attempts to deter or divert me from it. 

After deliberate examination, with the aid of 
the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied 
that our country, under all the circumstances of 
the case, had a right to take, and was bound in 
duty and interest to take, a neutral position. 
Havii d it, 1 determined, as far as should 



56 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, 
perseverance and firmness. 

The considerations, which respect the right to 
hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occa- 
sion to detail. I will only observe, that, accord- 
ing to my understanding of the matter, that right, 
so far from being denied by any of the belligerent 
powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be 
inferred, without any thing more, from the obli- 
gation which justice and humanity impose on 
every nation, in cases in w r hich it is free to act, 
to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and 
amity towards other nations. 

The inducements of interest for observing that 
conduct will best be referred to your own reflec- 
tions and experience. With me, a predominant 
motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our 
country to settle and mature its yet recent insti- 
tutions, and to progress without interruption to 
that degree of strength and consistency, which is 
necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the com- 
mand of its own fortunes. 

Though in reviewing the incidents of my admin- 
istration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I 
am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not 
to think it probable that I may have committed 
many errors. Whatever they may be, I fer- 
vently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate 



TO0NG AMERICA'S MANUAL 5f 

the evils to which they may tend. I shall also 
carry with me the hope, that my country will 
never cease to view them with indulgence; and 
that, after forty-live years of my life dedicated to 
service with an upright zeal, the faults of 
incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, 
as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this as in other 
things, and actuated by that fervent love towards 
it which is so natural to a man, who views in it 
the native soil of himself and his progenitors for 
several generations ; I anticipate with pleasing 
expectation that retreat, in which I promise 
myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoy- 
ment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citi- 
zens, the benign influence of good laws under a 
free government, the ever favorite object of my 
heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our 
mutual cares, labors, and dangers. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

United States, September 17th, 1796. 



58 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 1809-1865. 

His constant thought was his country and how 
to serve it. 

: — Charles Sumner. 

His career teaches young men that every posi- 
tion of eminence is open before the diligent and 

worthy. 

— Bishop Mattheiv Simpson. 

Such a life and character will be treasured for- 
ever as the sacred possession of the American 
people and of mankind. 

— James A. Garfield. 

By his fidelity to the True, the Right, the Good, 
he gained not only favor and applause, but what 
is better than all, love. 

— W. D. Howells. 

He was warm-hearted; he was generous; he 
was magnanimous ; he w r as most truly, as he 
afterwards said on a memorable occasion, "with 
malice toward none, with charity for all." 

— Alexander H. Stephens. 

Let us build with reverent hands to the type of 
this simple, but sublime life, in which all types are 
honored. 

— Henry W. Grady. 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 59 

Lincoln w;is the purest, tin* most generous, tin* 
most magnanimous of men. 

— General W. T. Sherman. 

He knew no fear except the fear of doing 

wrong. 

— Robert G. Ingersoll. 

His chief object, the ideal to which his whole 
soul was devoted, was the preservation of the 
Union. 

— Alexander H. Stephens. 

The mystic cords of memory, stretching from 
every battle field and patriot grave to every living 
heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, 
will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again 
touched, as surely they will be, by the angels of 
our better nature. 

— From Lincoln's First Inaugural Address. 

With malice toward none, with charity for all, 
with firmness to do the right as God gives us to 
see the right, let us strive to finish the great work 
we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care 
for him who shall have borne the battle and for 
his widow and his orphans ; to do all which may 
achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among 
ourselves and with all nations. 

— From Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address. 



60 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

ADDRESS DELIVERED AT THE DEDICA- 
TION OF THE CEMETERY AT 
GETTYSBURG. 

November 19, 1863 

BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers 
brought forth upon this continent, a new nation, 
conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposi- 
tion that all men are created equal. Now we are 
engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that 
nation, or any nation so conceived and so ded- 
icated, can long endure. We are met on a great 
battle-field of that war. We have come to ded- 
icate a portion of that field, as a final resting- 
place for those who here gave their lives that that 
nation might live. It is altogether fitting and 
proper that we should do this. But, in a larger 
sense, we cannot dedicate — we cannot consecrate 
— we cannot hallow — this ground. The brave 
men, living and dead, who struggled here have 
consecrated it, far above our power to add or 
detract. The world will little note, nor long re- 
member, what we say here, but it can never forget 
what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, 
to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which 
they who fought here have thus far so nobly ad- 
vanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated 
to the great task remaining before us, — that from 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 61 

these honored dead we take increased devotion to 
that cause for which they gave the last full meas- 
ure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that 
these dead shall not have died in vain — that this 
nation, under God. shall have a new birth of 
freedom — and that government of the people, 
by the people, and for the people, shall not perish 
from the earth. 

CAPTAIN! MY CAPTAIN! 

O Captain ! my Captain ! our fearful trip is done ; 
The ship has weathered every rack, the prize we 

sought is won ; 
The port is near, the bells I hear, the people all 

exulting, 
While follow eyes the steady keel, the vessel grim 
and daring. 

But O heart ! heart ! heart ! 

the bleeding drops of red, 
Where on the deck my Captain lies. 
Fallen cold and dead ! 

O Captain ! my Captain ! rise up and hear the bells ; 
Rise up — for you the flag is flung — for you the 

bugle trills ; 
For you bouquets and ribboned wreaths — for you 

the shores a-crowding. 
For you they call, the swaying mass, their eager 

faces turning. 



62 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

Here Captain ! clear father ! 

This arm beneath your head ; 
It is some dream that on the deck 

You've fallen cold and dead. 

My Captain does not answer, his lips are pale and 

still; 
My father does not feel my arm, he has no pulse 

nor tv ill ; 
The ship is anchor' d safe and sound, its voyage 

closed and done ; 
From fearful trip the victor ship comes in with 
object won. 

Exult, O shores, and ring, O bells ! 

But I, with mournful tread, 
Walk the deck my Captain lies, 
Fallen cold and dead. 

— Walt Whitman.* 

# From "Leaves of Grass." Reprinted by permission of the pub- 
lishers. Small, Maynard & Company, Boston. 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 63 



THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

On the eleventh of June, 177G, a committee of 
the Second Continental Congress, then sitting in 
Philadelphia, was appointed to draft a declaration, 
"That these United Colonies are, and of right 
ought to be, free and independent states." This 
committee was made up of the following members : 
Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia ; John Adams, of 
Massachusetts Bay; Benjamin Franklin, of Penn- 
sylvania ; Roger Sherman, of Connecticut ; and 
Robert R. Livingston, of New York. Thomas 
Jefferson was made a sub-committee to draw up a 
declaration. He submitted his draft to the com- 
mittee, who, after making a few changes in it, 
presented it to Congress on June 28, 1778. After 
some days of debate the Declaration of Independ- 
ence was adopted by Congress on July 4, 1776. 
As Robert R. Livingston was necessarily absent 
from Congress at the time of its adoption his 
name does not appear among those of the signers. 



64 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

In Congress^ July 4, 1776. 

THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF THE THIRTEEN 
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

When in the course of human events, it be- 
comes necessary for one people to dissolve the 
political bands which have connected them with 
another, and to assume among the powers of the 
earth the separate and equal station to which the 
laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, 
a decent respect to the opinions of mankind re- 
quires that they should declare the causes which 
impel them to the separation. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all 
men are created equal, that they are endowed by 
their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that 
among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of 
happiness. That to secure these rights, govern- 
ments are instituted among men, deriving their 
just powers from the consent of the governed. 
That whenever any form of government becomes 
destructive of these ends, it is the right of the 
people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new 
government, laying its foundation on such prin- 
ciples and organizing its powers in such form, as 
to them shall seem most likely to effect their 
safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will 
dictate that governments long established should 



YOUNG AMERICAS MANUAL 65 

not be changed for light and transient causes; 
and accordingly all experience hath shown, that 
mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils 
are Buffer able, than to right themselves by abolish- 
ing the forms to which they are accustomed. But 
when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pur- 
suing invariably the same object, evinces a design 
to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is 
their right, it is their duty, to throw off such gov- 
ernment, and to provide new guards for their 
future security. Such has been the patient suffer- 
ance of these Colonies ; and such is now the 
necessity w r hich constrains them to alter their 
former systems of government. The history of 
the present king of Great Britain is a history of 
repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in 
direct object the establishment of an absolute 
tyranny over these States. To prove this, let 
facts be submitted to a candid world. 

He has refused his assent to laws, the most 
wholesome and necessary for the public good. 

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of 
immediate and pressing importance, unless sus- 
pended in their operation till his assent should be 
obtained ; and w T hen so suspended, he has utterly 
neglected to attend to them. 

He has refused to pass other laws for the ac- 
commodation of large districts of people, unless 
those people would relinquish the right of renre- 



66 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

sentation in the legislature, a right inestimable to 
them and formidable to tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies at 
places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from 
the depository of their public records, for the sole 
purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with 
his measures. 

He has dissolved representative houses re- 
peatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his 
invasions on the rights of the people. 

He has refused for a long time after such dis- 
solutions to cause others to be elected ; whereby 
the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, 
have returned to the people at large for their exer- 
cise ; the State remaining in the mean time ex- 
posed to all the dangers of invasion from without, 
and convulsions within. 

He has endeavoured to prevent the population 
of these States ; for that purpose obstructing the 
laws for naturalization of foreigners ; refusing to 
pass others to encourage their migration hither, 
and raising the conditions of new appropriations 
of lands. 

He has obstructed the administration of justice, 
by refusing his assent to laws for establishing 
judiciary powers. 

He has made judges dependent on his will alone, 
for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and 
payment of their salaries. 



TOUNG AMERICAN MANUAL (17 

He has erected a multitude of new offices, and 
sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, 
and eat out their substance. 

He has kept among us, in times of peace, stand- 
ing armies without the consent of our legislatures. 

He has affected to render the military independ- 
ent of and superior to the civil power. 

He has combined with others to subject us to a 
jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and un- 
acknowledged by our laws ; giving his assent to 
their acts of pretended legislation. 

For quartering large bodies of armed troops 
among us. 

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from 
punishment for any murders which they should 
commit on the inhabitants of these States. 

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the 
world . 

For imposing taxes on us without our consent. 

For depriving us in many cases of the benefits 
of trial by jury. 

transporting us beyond seas to be tried for 
pretended offences. 

For abolishing the free system of English laws 
in a neighboring province, establishing therein an 
arbitrary government, and enlarging its bound- 
aries so as to render it a1 once an example and 
tit instrument for introducing the same absolute 
rule into these Colon; 



68 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

For taking away our charters, abolishing our 
most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally 
the forms of our governments. 

For suspending our own legislatures, and de- 
claring themselves invested with power to legis- 
late for us in all cases whatsoever. 

He has abdicated government here, by declaring 
us out of his protection and waging war against 
us. 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, 
burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our 
people. 

He is at this time transporting large armies of 
foreign mercenaries to complete the work of 
death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with 
circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely par- 
alleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally 
unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 

He has excited domestic insurrection among us, 
and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants 
of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, 
whose known rule of warfare, is an undistin- 
guished destruction of all ages, sexes, and condi- 
tions. 

He has constrained our fellow citizens taken 
captive on the high seas to bear arms against their 
country, to become the executioners of their 
friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their 
hands. 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL G9 

In every stage of these oppressions we have 

petitioned for redress in the most humble terms. 
Our repeated petitions have been answered only 
by repeated injuries. A prince, whose character 
is thus marked by every act which may define a 
tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 

r have we been wanting in attention to oui 
British brethren. We have warned them from 
time to time of attempts by their legislature tc 
extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We 
have reminded them of the circumstances of our 
emigration and settlement here. We have ap- 
pealed to their native justice and magnanimity, 
and we have conjured them by the ties of our 
common kindred to disavow these usurpations, 
which would inevitably interrupt our connection 
and correspondence. They too have been deaf 
to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We 
most, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which 
denounces our separation, and hold them, as we 
hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in 
peace friends. 

We. therefore, the representatives of the United 
States of America, in General Congress, assem- 
bled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world 
for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the 
name, and by authority of the good people of 
• lonies, solemnly publish and declare, that 
< United Colonies are, and of right ought to 



70 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

be free and independent States ; that they are 
absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, 
and that all political connection between them 
and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to 
be totally dissolved ; and that as free and inde- 
pendent States, they have full power to levy war, 
conclude peace, contract alliances, establish com- 
merce, and to do all other acts and things which 
independent States may of right do. And for 
the support of this declaration, with a firm reli- 
ance on the protection of Divine Providence, we 
mutually pledge to each other our lives, our for- 
tunes and our sacred honor. 

JOHN HANCOCK. 

New Hampshire — Josiah Bartlett, William 
Whipple, Matthew Thornton. 

Massachusetts Bay — Samuel Adams, John- 
Adams, Robert Treat PXine, Elbridge Gerry. 

Rhode Island — Stephen Hopkins, William 
Ellery. 

Connecticut — Roger Sherman, Samuel Hunt- 
ington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott. 

New York — William Floyd, Philip Living- 
ston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris. 

New Jersey — Richard Stockton, John With- 
erspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, Abra- 
ham Clark. 

Pennsylvania — Robert Morris, Benjamin 



toung america's manual 

Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Mori 

her, James Smith, I T lylor, 

.1 LME8 WlL >RGE ROSS, 

Delaware — C.i.wr Rodney, George Read, 
Thomas M'Kean. 

Maryland — Samuel Chase, William Paca, 
Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll, of Carrollton. 

Virginia — George Wythe, Richard Henry 
Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, 
Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee. 
Carter Braxton. 

olina — William Hooper, Joseph 
Hewes, John Penn. 

tih Carolina — Edward Butledge, Thomas 
Heyward, Jr.. Thomas Lynch. Jr., Arthur 
Middleton. 

Georgia — Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, 
George Walton. 



72 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

THE ORDINANCE OF 1787. 

While the Constitutional Convention was sitting 
in Philadelphia, the Congress, in session in New 
York City, adopted a law, framed by a committee 
of which Nathan Dane, of Massachusetts, was 
chairman, " An Ordinance for the Government of 
the Territory of the United States Northwest of 
the Ohio." 

This territory had been ceded to the general 
government by the states laying claim to it, and 
was comprised of what is now known as the 
States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and 
Wisconsin. 

A plan had been adopted by Congress in 1784 
for the government of the Northwest Territory, 
which was superseded by the Ordinance of 1787. 
This law is considered one of the most important 
ever enacted in the United States, as it abolished 
primogeniture and forbade slavery in the territory 
affected. Taken in conjunction with the fact that 
by treaty between the general government and the 
Six Nations, the Wyandottes, the Delawares, and 
the Shawnees, the Indian titles to 17,000,000 
acres of land in the territory had been extin- 
guished, the enactment of this law led to the rapid 
settlement of the lands on the north of the Ohio 
River. Within a year twenty thousand immi- 
grants had settled in the territory, the beginning 
of the growth of the great West. 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 73 

The ettlement was made at Marietta by 

General Rufus Putnam and a company from Mas- 
sachusetts. Manasseh Cutler, of Massachusetts, 
gave effective aid in the preparation and passage 
of the bill and also in the settlement of Marietta. 

AX ORDINANCE FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF THE TER- 
RITORT OF THE UNITED STATES NORTHWEST OF 
THE RIVER OHIO. 

Be it ordained by the United States in Congress 
assembled, That the said territory, for the pur- 
poses of temporary government, be one district, 
subject, however, to be divided into two districts, 
as future circumstances ma} T , in the opinion of 
Congress, make it expedient. 

Be it ordained by authority aforesaid, That the 
estates, both of resident and non-resident pro- 
prietors in the said territory, dying intestate, shall 
descend to, and be distributed among their chil- 
dren, and the descendants of a deceased child, in 
equal parts ; the descendants of a deceased child 
or grandchild to take the share of their deceased 
parent in equal parts among them. And where 
there shall be no children or descendants, then in 
equal parts to the next of kin in equal degree ; 
and, among collaterals, the children of a deceased 
brother or sister of the intestate shall have, in 
I parts among them, their deceased parents' 
share ; and there shall, in no case, be a distinc- 



74 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

tion between kindred of the whole and half-blood ; 
saving, in all cases, to the widow of the intestate 
her third part of the real estate for life, and one- 
third part of the personal estate ; and this law, 
relative to descents a; T dower, shall remain in 
fnll force until altered by the legislature of the 
district. And, until the governor and judges shall 
adopt laws as hereinafter mentioned, estates in the 
said territory may be devised or bequeathed by 
wills in writing, signed and sealed by him or her, 
in whom the estate may be, being of full age, and 
attested by three witnesses ; and real estates may 
be conveyed by lease and release, or bargain and 
sale, signed, sealed, and delivered by the person, 
being of full age, in whom the estate may be, and 
attested by two witnesses, provided such wills be 
duly proved, and such conveyances be acknowl- 
edged, or the execution thereof duly proved, and 
be recorded within one year after proper magis- 
trates, courts, and registers shall be appointed for 
that purpose ; and personal property may be 
transferred by delivery ; saving, however, to the 
French and Canadian inhabitants, and other set- 
tlers of the Kaskaskias, St. Vincents, and the 
neighboring villages who have heretofore pro- 
fessed themselves citizens of Virginia, their laws 
and customs now in force among them, relative 
to the descent and conveyance of property. 

Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 7.~> 

there shall be appointed from time to time, by 

. a governor, whose commission shall 

continue in force for the term of three years, un- 

sooner revoked by Congress; he shall reside 

in the district, and have a freehold estate therein 
in one thousand acres of land, while in the exer- 
of his oi 

There shall be appointed from time to time, by 
rotary, whose commission shall 
continue in force for four years, unless sooner re- 
d ; he shall reside in the district, and have a 
freehold estate therein in five hundred acres of 
land, while in the exercise of his office ; it shall 
be his duty to keep and preserve the acts and laws 
passed by the legislature, and the public records 
of the district, and the proceedings of the gov- 
ernor in his executive department ; and transmit 
authentic copies of such acts and proceedings, 
every six months, to the Secretary of Congress. 
There shall also be appointed a court to consist 
of three judges, any two of whom to form a court, 
who shall have a common law jurisdiction, and 
le in the district, and have each therein a 
freehold estate in five hundred acres of land while 
in the exercise of their offices ; and their commis- 
sions shall continue in force during good behavior. 

The governor and judges, or a majority of 

them, shall adopt and publish in the district such 

original criminal and civil, as 



76 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

may be necessary and best suited to the circum- 
stances of the district, and report them to Con- 
gress from time to time, which laws shall be in 
force in the district until the organization of the 
general assembly therein, unless disapproved of 
by Congress ; but, afterwards, the legislature 
shall have authority to alter them as they shall 
think fit. 

The governor for the time being, shall be com- 
mander-in-chief of the militia, appoint and com- 
mission all officers in the same below the rank of 
general officers; all general officers shall be ap- 
pointed and commissioned by Congress. 

Previous to the organization of the general as- 
sembly, the governor shall appoint such magis- 
trates and other civil officers, in each county or 
township, as he shall find necessary for the pres- 
ervation of the peace and good order in the same. 
After the general assembly shall be organized, the 
powers and duties of the magistrates and other 
civil officers shall be regulated and defined by the 
said assembly ; but all magistrates and other civil 
officers, not herein otherwise directed, shall, dur- 
ing the continuance of tins temporary government, 
be appointed by the governor. 

For the prevention of crimes and injuries, the 
laws to be adopted or made shall have force in all 
parts of the district, and for the execution of pro- 
cess, criminal and civil, the governor shall make 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 77 

proper divisions thereof; and he shall proceed, 
from time to time, as circum may require, 

to lay out the parts of the district in which the 
titles shall have been extinguished, into 
comities and townships, subject, however, to such 
alterations as may thereafter be made by the legis- 
lature. 

So soon as there shall be five thousand free 
male inhabitants of full age in the district, upon 
giving proof thereof to the governor, they shall 
receive authority, with time and place, to elect 
representatives from their counties or townships 
to represent them in the general assembly : pro- 
vkled, that, for every five hundred free male in- 
habitants, there shall be one representative, and 
so on progressively with the number of free male 
inhabitants, shall the right of representation in- 
crease, until the number of representatives shall 
amount to twenty-five ; after which, the number 
and proportion of representatives shall be regu- 
lated by the legislature : provided, that no person 
be eligible or qualified to act as a representative 
unless he shall have been a citizen of one of the 
United States three years, and be a resident in 
the district, or unless he shall have resided in the 
district three years; and, in either case, shall 
likewise hold in his own right, in fee simple, two 
hundred acres of land within the same : provided, 
. that a freehold in fifty acres of land in the 



78 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

district, having been a citizen of one of the 
States, and being resident in the district, or the 
like freehold and two years' residence in the dis- 
trict, shall be necessary to qualify a man as an 
elector of a representative. 

The representatives thus elected, shall serve for 
the term of two years ; and, in case of the death 
of a representative, or removal from office, the 
governor shall issue a writ to the county or town- 
ship for which he was a member, to elect another 
in his stead, to serve for the residue of the term. 

The general assembly, or legislature, shall con- 
sist of the governor, legislative council, and a 
house of representatives. The legislative council 
shall consist of five members, to continue in office 
five years, unless sooner removed by Congress ; 
any three of whom to be a quorum ; and the mem- 
bers of the council shall be nominated and ap- 
pointed in the following manner, to wit: as soon 
as representatives shall be elected, the governor 
shall appoint a time and place for them to meet 
together ; and, when met, they shall nominate ten 
persons, residents in the district, and each pos- 
sessed of a freehold in five hundred acres of land, 
and return their names to Congress ; five of whom 
Congress shall appoint and commission to serve 
as aforesaid; and, whenever a vacancy shall hap- 
pen in the council, by death or removal from office, 
the house of representatives shall nominate two 



VOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 7 ( .« 

persons, qualified as aforesaid, for each vacancy, 

and return their names to Congress, one of whom 

rress shall appoint ami commission for the 

residue of the term; and every live years, four 
months at least before the expiration of the time 
of service of the members of council, the said 
house shall nominate ten persons, qualified as 
aforesaid, and return their names to Congress; 
five of whom Congress shall appoint and commis- 
sion to serve as members of the council five years, 
unless sooner removed. And the governor, legis- 
lative council, and house of representatives, shall 
have authority to make laws in all cases, for the 
good government of the district, not repugnant to 
the principles and articles in this ordinance estab- 
lished and declared. And all bills, having passed 
by a majority in the house, and by a majority in 
the council, shall be referred to the governor for 
his assent ; but no bill or legislative act whatever, 
shall be of any force without his assent. The 
governor shall have power to convene, prorogue, 
and dissolve the general assembly, when, in his 
opinion, it shall be expedient. 

The governor, judges, legislative council, sec- 
retary, and such other officers as Congress shall 
appoint in the district, shall take an oath or affirm- 
ation of fidelity and of office ; the governor before 
the President of Congress, and all other officers 
rovernor. As soon as a legislature 



80 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

shall be formed in the district, the council and 
house assembled in one room, shall have authority, 
by joint ballot, to elect a delegate to Congress, 
who shall have a seat in Congress, with a right of 
debating but not of voting during this temporary 
government. 

And, for extending the fundamental principles 
of civil and religious liberty, which form the basis 
whereon these republics, their laws and constitu- 
tions are erected ; to fix and establish those prin- 
ciples as the basis of all laws, constitutions, and 
governments, which forever hereafter shall be 
formed in the said territory' ; to provide also for 
the establishment of States, and permanent gov- 
ernment therein, and for their admission to a 
share in the federal councils on equal footing with 
the original States, at as early periods as may be 
consistent with the general interest. 

It is hereby ordained and declared by the author- 
ity aforesaid, That the following articles shall be 
considered as articles of compact between the 
original States and the people and States in the 
said territory and forever remain unalterable, un- 
less by common consent, to wit : 

Art. 1st. No person, demeaning himself in a 
peaceable and orderly manner, shall ever be mo- 
lested on account of his mode of worship or 
religious sentiments, in the said territory. 

Art. 2d. The inhabitants of the said territory 



rOTJKG AMERICA'S MANUAL 81 

shall always be entitled to the benefits of the 
writ of habeas corpus, and of the trial by jury ; of 
a proportionate representation of the people in 
the legislature; and of judicial proceedings ac- 
ling to the course of the common law. All 
persons shall be bailable, unless for capital 
offences, where the proof shall be evident or the 
presumption great. All lines shall be moderate ; 
and no cruel or unusual punishments shall be in- 
flicted. No man shall be deprived of his liberty 
or property, but by the judgment of his peers or 
the law of the land ; and, should the public 
exigencies make it necessary, for the common 
preservation, to take any person's property, or to 
demand his particular services, full compensation 
shall be made for the same. And, in the just 
preservation of rights and property, it is under- 
stood and declared, that no law ought ever to be 
made, or have force in the said territory, that 
shall, in any manner whatever, interfere with or 
affect private contracts or engagements, bona fide, 
and without fraud, previously formed. 

Akt. 3d. Religion, morality, and knowledge, 
being necessary to good government and the hap- 
piness of mankind, schools and the means of 
education shall forever be encouraged. The ut- 
most good faith shall always be observed towards 
the Indians ; their lands aud property shall never 
ken from them without their consent ; and, 



82 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

in their property, rights, and liberty, they shan 
never be invaded or disturbed, unless in just and 
lawful wars authorized by Congress ; but laws 
founded in justice and humanity, shall, from time 
to time, be made for preventing wrongs being 
done to them, and for preserving peace and 
friendship with them. 

Art. 4th. The said territory, and the States 
which may be formed therein, shall forever re- 
main a part of this confederacy of the United 
States of America, subject to the Articles of 
Confederation, and to such alterations therein as 
shall be constitutionally made ; and to all the acts 
and ordinances of the United States in Congress 
assembled, conformable thereto. The inhabitants 
and settlers in the said territory shall be subject 
to pay a part of the federal debts contracted or 
to be contracted, and a proportional part of the 
expenses of government, to be apportioned on 
them by Congress, according to the same common 
rule and measure by which apportionments thereof 
shall be made on the other States ; and the taxes, 
for paying their proportion, shall be laid and 
levied by the authority and direction of the legis- 
latures of the district or districts, or new States, 
as in the original States, within the time agreed 
upon by the United States in Congress assembled. 
The legislatures of those districts or new States, 
shall never interfere with the primary disposal of 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 88 

the soil by the United States in Cong sem- 

bled, nor with any regulations Congress may find 

accessary ming the title in such soil to the 

bona fide purchasers. No tax shall be imposed 
on lands the property of the United States; and, 
in no ease, shall non-resident proprietors be t: 
higher than resident. The navigable waters lead- 
ing into the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, and 
the carrying places between the same, shall be 
common highways, and forever free, as well to 
the inhabitants of the said territory as to the citi- 
zens of the United States, and those of any other 
States that maybe admitted into the Confederacy, 
without any tax, impost, or duty, therefor. 

Art. 5th. There shall be formed in the said 
territory, not less than three nor more than five 
States ; and the boundaries of the States, as soon 
as Virginia shall alter her act of cession, and con- 
sent to the same, shall become fixed and estab- 
lished as follows, to wit: The western State in 
the said territory, shall be bounded by the Mis- 
sissippi, the Ohio, and Wabash rivers ; a direct line 
drawn from the Wabash and Post Vincents, due 
north, to the territorial line between the United 
States and Canada ; and, by the said territorial 
line, to the Lake of the Woods and Mississippi. 
The middle State shall be bounded b} T the said 
direct line, the Wabash from Post Vincents, to 
the Ohio; by the Ohio, by a direct line, drawn 



84 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

due north from the mouth of the Great Miami, to 
the said territorial line, and by the said territorial 
line. The eastern State shall be bounded by the 
last mentioned direct line, the Ohio, Pennsylvania, 
and the said territorial line : provided, however, 
and it is further understood and declared, that the 
boundaries of these three States shall be subject 
so far to be altered, that, if Congress shall here- 
after find it expedient, they shall have authority 
to form one or two States in that part of the said 
territory which lies north of an east and west line 
drawn through the southerly bend or extreme of 
lake Michigan. And, whenever any of the said 
States shall have sixty thousand free inhabitants 
therein, such State shall be admitted, by its dele- 
gates, into the Congress of the United States, on 
an equal footing with the original States in all 
respects w r hatever, and shall be at liberty to form 
a permanent constitution and State government : 
provided, the constitution and government so to 
be formed, shall be republican, and in conformity 
to the principles contained in these articles ; and, 
so far as it can be consistent w r ith the general in- 
terest of the confederacy, such admission shall be 
allowed at an earlier period, and when there may 
be a less number of free inhabitants in the State 
than sixty thousand. 

Art. 6th. There shall be neither slavery nor 
involuntary servitude in the said territory, other- 



YOUNG AMERICAS MANUAL 85 

irise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof 

the party shall have been duly convicted: pro- 
>. always^ that any person escaping into the 
Bamc, from whom labor or service is lawfully 
claimed in any one of the original States, such 
fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed 
to the person claiming his or her labor or service 
as at ores aid. 

Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That 
the resolutions of the 23d of April, 1784, relative 
to the subject of this ordinance, be, and the same 
are hereby, repealed and declared null and void. 

Done by the United States, in Congress 
assembled, the 13th day of July, in the 
year of our Lord, 1787, and of their sov- 
ereignty and independence ,the twelfth. 

Every Anierican should know by heart the corner- 
stone of our liberties — 

The First Amendment to the Constitution. 

Congress shall make no law respecting an estab- 
lishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exer- 
cise thereof ; or abridging the freedom of speech, 
or of the press ; or the right of the people peace- 
ably to assemble, and to petition the government 
for a redress of grievances. 

If you are too young to memorize the amendment, 
remember what it means : Free religion, free speech, 
free press and free assembly. 



86 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED 
STATES. 

We, the people of the United States, in order 
to form a more perfect union, establish justice, 
insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the com- 
mon defense, promote the general welfare, and 
secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and 
our posterity, do ordain and establish this Con- 
stitution for the United States of America: 

Article I 

Section 1. All legislative powers herein granted 
shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, 
which shall consist of a Senate and House of 
Representatives . 

Section 2. 1 The House of Representatives 
shall be composed of members chosen every 
second year by the people of the several States, 
and the electors in each State shall have the quali- 
fications requisite for the electors of the most 
numerous branch of the State legislature. 

2 No person shall be a Representative who 
shall not have attained the age of twent3'-five 
years, and been seven years a citizen of the 
United States, and who shall not, when elected, 
be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall 
be chosen. 

3 Representatives and direct taxes shall be 
apportioned among the several States which may 



TOUNG amkkic.vs MANUAL 87 

be included within this Union, according to their 

active numbers, which shall be determined by 

adding to the whole number of free persons, in- 

olnding those bound *e for a term ol years, 

and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of 

all other persons. The actual enumeration shall 
Dade within three years after the first meeting 

of the Congress of the United States, and within 
every subsequent term of ten yeare, in such man- 
ner as they shall by law direct. The number of 
Representatives shall not exceed one for every 
thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least 
one Representative ; and until such enumeration 
shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall 
be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, 
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, 
Connecticut five, New York six. New Jersey four, 
Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, 
Virginia ten, North Carolina five. South Carolina 
five, and Georgia three. 

4 When vacancies happen in the representa- 
tion from any State, the executive authority 
thereof shall issue writs of election to till 
vacancies. 

5 The House of Representatives shall choose 
their Speaker and other officers, and shall have 
the sole power of impeachment. 

Section 3. 1 The Senate of the Unite I 
shall be composed of two Senators from each 



88 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

State, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six 
years ; and each Senator shall have one vote. 

2 Immediately after they shall be assembled 
in consequence of the first election, they shall be 
divided as equally as may be into three classes. 
The seats of the Senators of the first class shall 
be vacated at the expiration of the second year, 
of the second class at the expiration of the fourth 
year, and of the third class at the expiration of 
the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen 
every second year ; and if vacancies happen by 
resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the 
legislature of any State, the executive thereof may 
make temporary appointments until the next 
meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill 
such vacancies. 

3 No person shall be a Senator who shall not 
have attained to the age of thirty years, and been 
nine years a citizen of the United States, and 
who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of 
that State for which he shall be chosen. 

4 The Vice-President of the United States 
shall be President of the Senate, but shall have 
no vote, unless they be equally divided. 

5 The Senate shall choose their other officers, 
and also a President pro tempore, in the absence 
of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise 
the office of President of the United States. 

6 The Senate shall have the sole power to try 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 89 

all impeachments. When Bitting for that purpose, 

shall be on oath or affirmation. When the 

ddent o\' the United States is tried, the Chief 

Justice shall preside ; and no person shall be con- 

ed without the concurrence of two thirds of 

the members present. 

7 Judgment in cases of impeachment shall 
not extend further than to removal from office, 
and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office 
of honor, trust, or profit under the United States ; 
but the party convicted shall nevertheless be 
liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment 
and punishment, according to law. 

Section 4. 1 The times, places and manner 
of holding elections for Senators and Representa- 
tives, shall be prescribed in each State by the 
legislature thereof ; but the Congress rnay at any 
time by law make or alter such regulations, ex- 
cept as to the places of choosing Senators. 

2 Congress shall assemble at least once in 
every year, and such meeting shall be on the first 
Monday in December, unless they shall by law 
appoint a different day. 

iion 5. 1 Each house shall be the judge 
of the elections, returns and qualifications of its 
own members, and a majority of each shall con- 
stitute a quorum to do business ; but a smaller 
number may adjourn from day to day, and may 
be authorized to compel the attendance of absent 



90 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

members, in such manner, and under such penal- 
ties as each house may provide. 

2 Each house may determine the rules of its 
proceedings, punish its members for disorderly 
behavior, and with the concurrence of two thirds, 
expel a member. 

3 Each house shall keep a journal of its pro- 
ceedings, and from time to time publish the same, 
excepting such parts as may in their judgment 
require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the 
members of either house on any question shall, at 
the desire of one fifth of those present, be entered 
on the journal. 

4 Neither house, during the session of Con- 
gress, shall, without the consent of the other, ad- 
journ for more than three days, nor to any other 
place than that in which the two houses shall be 
sitting. 

Section 6. 1 The Senators and Representa- 
tives shall receive a compensation for their ser- 
vices, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of 
the Treasury of the United States. They shall 
in all cases, except treason, felony and breach of 
the peace, be privileged from arrest during their 
attendance at the session of their respective 
houses, and in going to and returning from the 
same ; and for any speech or debate in either 
house, they shall not be questioned in any other 
place. 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 91 

2 No Senator or Representative shall, daring 
the time for which he w\ be appointed 

to any civil office under the authority of the 

Tinted States, which shall have been created, or 
the emoluments whereof shall have been increafi 
during Mich time ; and no person holding an 

e under the United States, shall be a men • 
her of either house during his continuance in 

ce. 

Section 7. 1 Ail bills for raising revenue 
.shall originate in the House of Representatives ; 
but the Senate may propose or concur with amend- 
ments as on other bills. 

2 Every bill which shall have passed the 
House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, 
before it become a law, be presented to the Presi- 
dent of the United States ; if he approve he shall 
it, but if not he shall return it, with his 
objections to that house in which it shall have 
inated, w T ho shall enter the objections at large 
eir journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If 
after such reconsideration two thirds of that house 
shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent to- 
gether with the objections, to the other house, by 
which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if ap- 
proved by two thirds of that house, it shall become 
a law. But in all such cases the votes of both 
houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and 
the names of the persons voting for and against 



92 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

the bill shall be entered on the journal of each 
house respectively. If any bill shall not be re- 
turned b} T the President within ten days (Sundays 
excepted) after it shall have been presented to 
him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if 
he had signed it, unless the Congress by their ad- 
journment prevent its return, in which case it 
shall not be a law. 

3 Every order, resolution, or vote to which the 
concurrence of the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives may be necessary (except on a question 
of adjournment) shall be presented to the Presi- 
dent of the United States ; and before the same 
shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or 
being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by 
two thirds of the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives, according to the rules and limitations pre- 
scribed in the case of a bill. 

Section 8. 1 The Congress shall have power 
to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and 
excises, to pay the debts and provide for the com- 
mon defense and general welfare of the United 
States ; but all duties, imposts and excises shall 
be uniform throughout the United States ; 

2 To borrow money on the credit of the United 
States ; 

3 To regulate commerce with foreign nations 
and among the several States, and with the Indian 
tribes ; 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 93 

4 To establish an uniform rule of naturaliza- 
tion, and uniform laws on the subject of bank- 
ruptcies throughout the United States ; 

5 To coin money, regulate the value thereof, 
and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of 
weights and measures ; 

6 To provide for the punishment of counter- 
feiting the securities and current coin of the 
United States; 

7 To establish post-offices and post-roads ; 

8 To promote the progress of science and use- 
ful arts, by securing for limited times to authors 
and inventors the exclusive right to their respec- 
tive writings and discoveries ; 

9 To constitute tribunals inferior to the Su- 
preme Court ; 

10 To define and punish piracies and felonies 
committed on the high seas, and offences against 
the law of nations ; 

11 To declare war, grant letters of marque 
and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures 
on land and water ; 

12 To raise and support armies, but no appro- 
priation of money to that use shall be for a longer 
term than two }'ears ; 

13 To provide and maintain a navy : 

14 To make rules for the government and 
regulation of the land and naval forces ; 

15 To provide for calling forth the militia to 



94 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrec- 
tions, and repel invasions ; 

16 To provide for organizing, arming, and 
disciplining the militia, and for governing such 
part of them as may be employed in the service 
of the United States, reserving to the States re- 
spectively, the appointment of the officers, and the 
authority of training the militia according to the 
discipline prescribed by Congress ; 

17 To exercise exclusive legislation in all 
cases whatsover, over such district (not exceed- 
ing ten miles square) as maj^ by cession of par- 
ticular States and the acceptances of Congress, 
become the seat of the Government of the United 
States, and to exercise like authority over all 
places purchased by the consent of the legislature 
of the State in which the same shall be, for the 
erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, 
and other needful buildings ; — and 

18 To make all laws which shall be necessary 
and proper for carrying into execution the fore- 
going powers, and all other powers vested by this 
Constitution in the Government of the United 
States, or in any department or officer thereof. 

Section 9. 1 The migration or importation 
of such persons as any of the States now existing 
shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited 
by the Congress prior to the year one thousand 
eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may 



rOUNG Americas IfAKUAL 95 

be imposed on such importation? not exceeding 
ten dollars for each person* 

3 The privilege of the writ of habeas <->r 

shall not be suspended, unless when in ca- 
non or invasion the public safety may re- 
quire 

No hill of attainder or ex posi facto law 
shall be passed. 

4 No capitation* or other direct, tax shall be 
laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumer- 
ation hereinbefore directed to be taken. 

5 Xo tax or duty shall be laid on articles ex- 
ported from any State. 

Xo preference shall be given by any regula- 
tion of commerce or revenue to the ports of one 
State over those of another; nor shall vessels 
bound to. or from, one State, be obliged to enter, 
clear, or pay duties in another. 

7 Xo money -ball be drawn from the Treas- 
ury, but in consequence of appropriations made 
lw; and a regular statement and account of 
the receipts and expenditures of all public money 
shall be published from time to time. 

Xo title of nobility shall be granted by the 
United States : and no person holding any office 
of profit or trust under them, shall, without the 
consent of the Congress, accept of any present, 
emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, 
from any bang, prince, or foreign Stl 



96 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

Section 10. 1 No State shall enter into any 
treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of 
marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of 
credit ; make anything but gold and silver coin a 
tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of at- 
tainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the 
obligation of contracts, or grant any title of 
nobility. 

2 No State shall, without the consent of Con- 
gress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or ex- 
ports, except what may be absolutely necessary 
for executing its inspection laws ; and the net 
produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any 
State on imports or exports, shall be for the use 
of the Treasury of the United States ; and all such 
laws shall be subject to the revision and control 
of the Congress. 

3 No State shall, without the consent of Con- 
gress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or 
ships of war in time of peace, enter into any 
agreement or compact with another State, or with 
a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually 
invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not 
admit of delay. 

Article II 

Section 1. 1 The executive power shall be 
vested in a President of the United States ci 
America. He shall hold his office during the t£n& 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL <)7 

of four years, and together with the Vice-Presi- 
dent, chosen for the same term, be elected, as 

follows : 

2 Each State shall appoint, in such manner as 
the legislature thereof may direct, a number of 
electors, equal to the whole number of Senators 
and Representatives to which the State may be 
entitled in the Congress ; but no Senator or Rep- 

ltative, or person holding an office of trust or 
profit under the United States, shall be appointed 
an elector. 

3 [The electors shall meet in their respective 
States, and vote by ballot for two persons, of 
whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of 
the same State with themselves. And they shall 
make a list of all the persons voted for, and of 
the number of votes for each ; which list they 
shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the 
seat of government of the United States, directed 
to the President of the Senate. The President of 
the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate 
and House of Representatives, open all the certi- 
ficates, and the votes shall then be counted. The 
person having the greatest number of votes shall 
be the President, if such number be a majority of 
the whole number of electors appointed; and if 
there be more than one who have such majority, 
and have an equal number of votes, then the 
House of Representatives shall immediately choose 



98 *YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

by ballot one of them for President; and if no 
person have a majority, then from the five highest 
on the list the said House shall in like manner 
choose the President. But in choosing the Presi- 
dent, the votes shall be taken by States, the repre- 
sentation from each State having one vote; a 
quorum for this purpose shall consist of a mem- 
ber or members from two thirds of the States, and 
a majority of all the States shall be necessary to 
a choice. In every case, after the choice of the 
President, the person having the greatest number 
of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-Presi- 
dent. But if there should remain two or more 
who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose 
from them by ballot the Vice-President.] 

4 The Congress may determine the time of 
choosing the electors, and the day on which they 
shall give their votes ; which day shall be the 
same throughout the United States. 

5 No person except a natural born citizen, or 
a citizen of the United States, at the time of the 
adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to 
the office of President ; neither shall any person 
be eligible to that office who shall not have at- 
tained to the age of thirty-five years, and been 
fourteen years a resident within the United States. 

6 In case of the removal of the President 
from office, or of Ms death, resignation, or in- 
ability to discharge the powers and duties of the 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 99 

said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice- 
President, and the Congress may by law provide 
for the case of removal, death, resignation, or in- 
ability, both of the President and Vice-President, 
declaring what officer shall then act as President, 
and such officer shall act accordingly, until the 
disability be removed, or a President shall be 
elected. 

7 The President shall, at stated times, receive 
for his services, a compensation, which shall 
neither be increased or diminished daring the 
period for which he shall have been elected, and 
he shall not receive within that period any other 
emolument from the United States, or any of 
them. 

8 Before he enter on the execution of his 
office, he shall take the following oath or affirma- 
tion : — 

"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will 
faithfully execute the office of President of the 
United States, and will to the best of my ability 
preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of 
the United States." 

Section 2. 1 The President shall be Com- 
mander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the 
United States, and of the militia of the several 
States, when called into the actual service of the 
United States; he may require the opinion, in 
writing, of the principal officer in each of the 

Lore 



100 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

executive departments, upon any subject relating 
to the duties of their respective offices, and he 
shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons 
for offenses against the United States, except in 
cases of impeachment. 

2 He shall have power, by and with the ad- 
vice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, 
provided two thirds of the Senators present con- 
cur ; and he shall nominate, and by and with the 
advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint 
ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, 
judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers 
of the United States, whose appointments are not 
herein otherwise provided for," and which shall be 
established by law ; but the Congress may by law 
vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as 
they think proper, in the President alone, in the 
courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 

3 The President shall have power to fill up all 
vacancies that may happen during the recess of 
the Senate, by granting commissions which shall 
expire at the end of their next session. 

Section 3. He shall from time to time give to 
the Congress information of the state of the 
Union, and recommend to their consideration such 
measures as he shall judge necessary and ex- 
pedient ; he may, on extraordinary occasions, 
convene both houses, or either of them, and in 
case of disagreement between them, with respect 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 101 

to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them 
to such time as he shall think proper; he shall re- 
ceive ambassadors and other public ministers ; he 
shall take care that the laws be faithfully exe- 
cuted, and shall commission all the officers of the 
United States. 

Section 4. The President, Vice-President and 
all civil officers of the United States, shall be 
removed from office on impeachment for, and con- 
viction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes 
and misdemeanors. 

Article III 

Section i. The judicial power of the United 
States, shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and 
in such inferior courts as the Congress may from 
time to time ordain and establish. The judges, 
both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall 
hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, 
at stated times, receive for their services, a com- 
pensation, which shall not be diminished during 
their continuance in office. 

Section 2. 1 The judicial power shall extend 
to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this 
Constitution, the laws of the United States, and 
treaties made, or which shall be made, under their 
authority; — to all cases affecting ambassadors, 
other public ministers and consuls ; — to all cases 
of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; — to con- 



102 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

troversies to which the United States shall be a 
party ; — to controversies between two or more 
States ; — between a State and citizens of another 
State ; — between citizens of different States ; — 
between citizens of the same State claiming lands 
under grants of different States, and between a 
State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, 
citizens, or subjects. 

2 In all cases affecting ambassadors, other 
public ministers and consuls, and those in which 
a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall 
have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases 
before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have 
appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, 
with such exceptions, and under such regulations 
as the Congress shall make. 

3 The trial of all crimes, except in cases of 
impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such trial 
shall be held in the State where the said crimes 
shall have been committed ; but when not com- 
mitted within any State, the trial shall be at such 
place or places as the Congress may by law have 
directed. 

Section 3. 1 Treason against the United 
States, shall consist only in levying war against 
them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them 
aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of 
treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to 
the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 108 

2 The Congress shall have power to declare 
the punishment of treason, but no attainder of 
treason shall work corruption of blood or for- 
feiture except during the life of the person at- 
tainted. 

Article IV 

Section 1. Full faith and credit shall be given 
in each State to the public acts, records, and 
judicial proceedings of every other State. And 
the Congress may by general laws prescribe the 
manner in which such acts, records and proceed- 
ings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 

Section 2. 1 The citizens of each State shall 
be entitled to all privileges and immunities of 
citizens in the several States. 

2 A person charged in any State with treason, 
felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, 
and be found in another State, shall on demand 
of the executive authority of the State from which 
he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the 
State having jurisdiction of the crime. 

3 No person held to service or labor in one 
State, under the laws thereof, escaping into an- 
other, shall, in consequence of any law or regula- 
tion therein, be discharged from such service or 
labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the 
party to whom such service or labor may be due. 

Section S. 1 New States mav be admitted 



104 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

by the Congress into this Union; but no new 
State shall be formed or erected within the juris- 
diction of any other State ; nor any State be 
formed by the junction of two or more States, or 
parts of States, without the consent of the legis- 
latures of the States concerned as well as of the 
Congress. 

2 The Congress shall have power to dispose 
of and make all needful rules and regulations 
respecting the territory or other property belong- 
ing to the United States; and nothing in this 
Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice 
any claims of the United States, or of any parti- 
cular State. 

Section 4. The United States shall guarantee 
to every State in this Union a republican form of 
government, and shall protect each of them 
against invasion, and on application of the legis- 
lature, or of the executive (when the legislature 
cannot be convened) against domestic violence. 

Article V 

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both 
houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose 
amendments to this Constitution, or, on the appli- 
cation of the legislatures of two thirds of the 
several States, shall call a convention for propos- 
ing amendments, which, in either case, shall be 
valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 105 

Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of 
three fourths of the several States, or by conven- 
tions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the 
other mode of ratification may be proposed by the 
Congress, provided that no amendments which 
may be made prior to the year one thousand eight 
hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the 
first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the 
Brat article ; and that no State, without its con- 
sent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the 

Senate. 

Article VI 

All debts contracted and engagements entered 
into, before the adoption of this Constitution, 
shall be as valid against the United States under 
this Constitution as under the confederation. 

This Constitution, and the laws of the United 
States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, 
and all treaties made, or which shall be made, 
under the authority of the United States, shall be 
the supreme law of the land; and the judges in 
every State shall be bound thereby, anything in 
the Constitution or laws of any State to the con- 
ry notwithstanding. 

The Senators and Representatives before men- 
tioned, and the members of the several State 
legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, 
both of the United States and of the several 
States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to 



106 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

support this Constitution ; but no religious test 
shall ever be required as a qualification to any 
office or public trust under the United States. 

Article VII 
The ratification of the conventions of nine 
States, shall be sufficient for the establishment of 
this Constitution between the States so ratifying 
the same. 

Done in convention by the unanimous con- 
sent of the States present the seven- 
teenth day of September in the year of 
our Lord one thousand seven hundred 
and eighty-seven and of the indepen- 
dence of the United States of America 
the twelfth. In witness whereof, we 
have hereunto subscribed our names. 

George Washington 
(President, and Deputy from Virginia) 

New Hampshire 
John Langton Nicholas Gilman 

Massachusetts 
Nathaniel Gorham Rufus King 

Connecticut 
William Samuel Johnson Roger Sherman 
New York 
Alexander Hamilton 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 107 

Xkw Jerski 

William Livingston William Patterson 

David Brearly Jonathan Dayton 

Pennsylvania 
Benjamin Franklin Thomas Fitzsimons 

Thomas Mifflin Jared Ingersoll 

Robert Morris James Wilson 

George Clymer Gouvernenr Morris 

Delaware 

George Read John Dickinson 

Gunning Bedford, Jr. Richard Bassett 

Jacob Broom 

Maryland 
James McHenry Daniel Carroll 

Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer 

Virginia 
John Blair James Madison, Jr. 

North Carolina 

William Blount Richd. Dobbs Spaight 

Hugh Williamson 

South Carolina 
John Rutledge Charles Pinckney 

Chas. Cotesworth Pinckney Pierce Butler 

Georgia 
William Few Abraham Baldwin 

Attest: William Jackson, Secretary. 



108 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

AMENDMENTS. 
Article I 
Congress shall make no law respecting an estab- 
lishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exer- 
cise thereof ; or abridging the freedom of speech, 
or of the press ; or the right of the people peace- 
ably to assemble, and to petition the government 
for a redress of grievances. 

Article II 
A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the 
security of a free State, the right of the people to 
keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed. 
Article III 
No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered 
in any house without the consent of the owner, 
nor in time of war, but in a manner to be pre- 
scribed by law. 

Article IV 

The right of the people to be secure in their 
persons, houses, papers and effects, against un- 
reasonable searches and seizures, shall not be 
violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon 
probable cause, supported by oath or affirma- 
tion, and particularly describing the place to be 
searched, and the person or things to be seized. 
Article V 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, 
or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a present- 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 109 

ment or indictment of a grand jury, except in 
- arising in the land or naval forces, or in the 
militia, when in actual service in time of war or 
public danger; nor shall any person be subject 
for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy 
of life and limb ; nor shall be compelled in any 
criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor 
be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without 
due process of law r ; nor shall private property be 
taken for public use, without just compensation. 

Article VI 
In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall 
enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an 
impartial jury of the State and district wherein 
the crime shall have been committed, which dis- 
trict shall have been previously ascertained by 
law, and to be informed of the nature and cause 
of the accusation ; to be confronted with the 
witnesses against him; to have compulsory pro- 
cess for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to 
have the assistance of counsel for his defense. 

Article VII 
In suits at common law, where the value in 
controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right 
of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact 
tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in 
any court of the United States, than according 
to the rules of the common law. 



110 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

Article VIII 
Excessive bail shall not be required, nor exces- 
sive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punish- 
ments inflicted. 

Article IX 

The enumeration in the Constitution of certain 
rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage 
others retained by the people. 

Article X 
The powers not delegated to the United States 
by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the 
States, are reserved to the States respectively or 
to the people. 

Article XI 

The judicial power of the United States shall 
not be construed to extend to any suit in law or 
equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of 
the United States by citizens of another State, or 
by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. 

Article XII 
The electors shall meet in their respective 
States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice- 
President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an 
inhabitant of the same State with themselves ; 
they shall name in their ballots the person voted 
for as President, and in distinct ballots the person 
voted for as Vice-President, and they shall make 
distinct lists of all persons voted for as President 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 111 

and of all persona voted for as Vice-President, 
and of (he Dumber of votes for each, which lists 
they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to 
the seat of the government of the United States, 
directed to the President of the Senate; — The 
President of the Senate shall, in the presence of 
the Senate and House of Representatives, open all 
the certificates and the votes shall then be counted : 

— The person having the greatest number of votes 
for President, shall be the President, if such 
number be a majority of the whole number of 
electors appointed ; and if no person have such 
majority, then from the persons having the highest 
numbers not exceeding three on the list of those 
voted for as President, the House of Representa- 
tives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the 
President. But in choosing the President, the 
votes shall be taken by States, the representation 
from each State having one vote ; a quorum for 
this purpose shall consist of a member or mem- 
bers from two thirds of the States, and a majority 
of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. 
And if the House of Representatives shall not 
choose a President whenever the right of choice 
shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of 
March next following, then the Vice-President 
shall act as President, as in the case of the death 
or other constitutional disability of the President. 

— The person having the greatest number of 



112 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-Presi- 
dent, if such number be a majority of the whole 
number of electors appointed, and if no person 
have a majority, then from the two highest num- 
bers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice- 
President ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist 
of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, 
and a majority of the whole number shall be 
necessary to a choice. But no person constitu- 
tionally ineligible to the office of President shall 
be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United 
States. 

Article XIII 

Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary 
servitude, except as a punishment for crime 
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, 
shall exist within the United States, or any place 
subject to their jurisdiction. 

Section 2. Congress shall have power to en- 
force this article by appropriate legislation. 

Article XIV 

Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in 
the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction 
thereof, are citizens of the United States and of 
the State wherein they reside. No State shall 
make or enforce any law which shall abridge the 
privileges or immunities of citizens of the United 
States ; nor shall any State deprive any person of 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL til 

life, liberty, or property, without due process of 
l:nv ; nor deny to any person within its jurisdic- 
tion the equal protection of the laws. 

Section 2. Representatives shall be appor- 
tioned among the several States according to their 
respective numbers, counting the whole number 
of persons in each State, excluding Indians not 
taxed. But when the right to vote at any elec- 
tion for the choice of electors for President and 
Vice-President of the United States, Representa- 
tives in Congress, the executive and judicial 
officers of a State, or the members of the legisla- 
ture thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabi- 
tants of such State, being twenty-one years of 
age, and citizens of the United States, or in any 
way abridged, except for participation in re- 
bellion, or other crime, the basis of representation 
therein shall be reduced in the proportion which 
the number of such male citizens shall bear to the 
whole number of male citizens twenty-one years 
of age in such State. 

Section 3. No person shall be a Senator or 
Representative in Congress, or elector of President 
and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or 
military, under the United States, or under any 
State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a 
member of Congress, or as an officer of the United 
States, or as a» member of any State legislature, 
or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, 



114 YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 

to support the Constitution of the United States, 
shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion 
against the same, 'or given aid or comfort to 
the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a 
vote of two- thirds of each house, remove such 
disability. 

Section 4. The validity of the public debt of 
the United States, authorized by law, including 
debts incurred for payment of pensions and boun- 
ties for services in suppressing insurrection or 
rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither 
the United States nor any State shall assume or 
pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of in- 
surrection or rebellion against the United States^ 
or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any 
slave ; but all such debts, obligations, and claims 
shall be held illegal and void. 

Section 5. The Congress shall have power to 

enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions 

of this article. 

Article XV 

Section i. The right of citizens of the United 
States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by 
the United States or by any State on account of 
race, color, or previous condition of servitude. 

Section 2. The Congress shall have power to 
enforce this article by appropriate legislation, 





§m 



RIGHT HAXD, SALUTE. 

The proper salute for girls (and boys when not wearing head-gear). 
M te that the girl looks towards the colors as she salutes. 



MANNER OF DOING HONORS 

49 l'UKSCRIBED BY TI1K 

UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT 

HONORS. 

The national or regimental color or standard, 
uncased, passing an armed body is saluted, the 
field music sounding to the color. 

Officers or enlisted men passing the uncased 
color render the prescribed salute ; with no arms 
in hand, the salute is made by uncovering ; the 
headdress is held in the right hand opposite the 
left shoulder, right forearm against the breast. 

— Section 587. Infantry Drill Regulation*, 
United States Army. 

Whenever the "Star Spangled Banner" is 
played by the band on a formal occasion at a 
military station, or at any place where persons 
belonging to the military service are present in 
their official capacity, all officers and enlisted men 
present stand at attention. 

— Section 588. 

SALUTE WITH THE HAND. 

(When head is uncovered.) 

1. Right hand. 2. Salute. 

liaise the hand smartly till the tip of forefinger 

touches the forehead above the right eye, thumb 

and fingers extended and joined, palm to the left, 

115 



116 



YOUNG AMERICA'S MANUAL 



forearm inclined at about forty-five degrees, 
hand and wrist straight. (Two.) Drop the arm 
smartly by the side. 

Officers and men, when saluting, look toward 
the person saluted. 

— Section 37. 

Enlisted men carrying rifle, not in rank, when 
within saluting distance (six paces) salute an 
officer with the rifle salute, look toward him and 
retain the left hand in position, until the salute is 
acknowledged or he is passed. 

If unarmed the salute is made in a similar 
manner with the hand farthest from the officer. 

— From Section 593. 



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INDEX. 

America — My Country, 'tis of Thee, 15. 

American Flag, The, 22. 

Battle Hymn of the Republic, 12. 

Beecher, Henry Ward, 20. 

Bennett, Henry Holcomb, 20. 

Bivouac of the Dead, The, 25. 

Bueua Vista, 26. 

Carroll, John, Archbishop, 28. 

Choate, Rufus, 30. 

Colors, Escort of the, 16. 

Colors, Houors and Distinctions, 17. 

Concord Hymn, The, 27. 

Constitution of the United States, 86. 

Cutler, Manasseh, 73. 

Dane, Nathan, 72. 

Declaration of Independence, The, 64. 

Drake, Joseph Rodman, 24. 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 27. 

Everett, Edward, 29. 

Farewell Address, Washington's, 30. 

Fiske, John, 29. 

Flag, Our, 16-24. 

Garfield, James A., 58. 

Gettysburg Oration, Lincoln's, 60. 

Gladstone, William E., 28. 

Grady, Henry W., 58. 

Hail, Columbia, 9. 

Hale, Edward Everett, 20. 

Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 18. 

Home, Sweet Home, 14. 

Hopkinson, Joseph, 10. 

Howe, Julia Ward, 13. 

Howells, W. D., 58. 

Ingersoll, Robert G., 59. 

Jefferson, Thomas, 28, 2». 

Key, Francis Scott, 8. 



ill 



116 INDEX 

Lee, Henry, 28. 
Lincoln, Abraham, 58-63. 

Gettysburg Address, 60. 

Selection from First Inaugural Address, 59. 

Selection from Second Inaugural Address, 59. 
Marietta, 73. 
Memorial Day, 17, 25. 
O Captain! My Captain! 61. 
O'Hara, Theodore, 26. 
Ordinance of 1787, The, 72. 
Paine, Thomas, 28. 
Payne, John Howard, 15. 
Putnam, Rufus, 73. 
Robin, Abbe, 28. 

Second Continental Congress, 63. 
Shaw, Albert D., 21. 
Shaw, David F., 12. 
Sherman, W. T., 59. 
Signers of the Constitution of the United States, 106, 

107. 
Signers of the Declaration of Independence, 70, 71. 
Simpson, Matthew, Bishop, 58. 
Smith, S. F., 16. 
Sparks, Jared, 29. 
Star-Spangled Banner, The, 7. 
Stephens, Alexander H., 58, 59. 
Sumner, Charles, 58. 
The Flag Goes By, 19. 
Washington, George, 28-57. 
Watterson, Henry, 24. 
Webster, Daniel, 21, 29. 
Whitman, Walt, 62. 
Williams, Thomas, 24. 
Winthrop, Robert C, 29. 



906 



